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Total War: Rome II - Page 62

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Godwrath
Profile Joined August 2012
Spain10126 Posts
Last Edited: 2013-09-07 14:14:56
September 07 2013 14:00 GMT
#1221
On September 07 2013 22:39 TSBspartacus wrote:
Show nested quote +
On September 06 2013 12:59 julianto wrote:
http://imgur.com/kq77LGR
[image loading]

What does the green haze/aura around my unit mean? At first I couldn't attack anything, and it had spikes protruding from it, which I didn't order. I think this was an effect of agents, but I don't know how to get rid of the effect.

Is in not disease? I've seen it a few times along with attrition and disease in the city nearby.

No, champions can "root" armies in place that way.
Greem
Profile Blog Joined September 2010
730 Posts
September 07 2013 15:00 GMT
#1222
Is anyone here involved with modding of Rome 2 or knows where to start with all "this" ? I never had so much desire to change this for better.
youtube.com/N0rthernL1ght
Tula
Profile Joined December 2010
Austria1544 Posts
September 07 2013 15:12 GMT
#1223
On September 07 2013 21:24 xccam wrote:
Show nested quote +
On September 07 2013 20:12 Tula wrote:
On September 07 2013 13:28 Skirmjan wrote:
On September 07 2013 08:35 Tula wrote:
On September 07 2013 06:37 aXa wrote:
On September 07 2013 05:35 Scip wrote:
On September 06 2013 20:54 DonKey_ wrote:
Well so far I have about 50 turns into a Rome, Egypt, and Carthage. With a bit played on Macedon, and Suebi as well.

The order of difficulty so far from easiest to hardest has been: Rome >>>>>> Egypt >> Macedon > Carthage > Suebi.

Rome is expectantly CRAZY broken with the most efficient and elite units at every point in the game so far, as well as having a very nice starting position.
Egypt was much stronger than I expected due to the fact that starting turn 1 with a province is REALLY strong, and everyone around you is a nomadic nobody with no allies. Another fun thing with Egypt is just how much easier it is to trade with others since you start with a province that has 2 wheat, and an iron(and 2 wonders...), plus they actually have good units when you hit their tier 2 barracks. Being Hellenic is nice too.
Macedon felt like you could have a nice set up, but I lost 2 cities in Macedon to Sparta who was my ally, and pretty much everyone around me hated me.
Carthage was kind of annoying with it feeling like your client sates hurt you more than help you. I love their hoplite shields though.
Suebi felt kinda fun with the confederation mechanic, but then I realized when I got powerful I had basically 2 units(beserkers and swordmasters) to look forward too.

I really want balance mods to come out fast. ><

I don't know nearly enough about ancient warfare to be confident, but wouldn't it make sense that roman soldiers pre-marian reform would be somewhat weaker than that of other nations?
IIRC, they weren't used to the chain of command and things like that, so you couldn't pull off crazy maneuvers in battles and stuff. Their armament wasn't any more technologically advanced than that of their enemies (leather/iron chainmail, etc.). They really won mostly through their numbers, no?
After Marian reforms legions did start owning all other infantry, but they were still kinda weak against heavy cavalry and horse archers, as shown by unsuccessful wars against Parthia and surrounding areas.
Correct me if I am wrong on anything I said please :3



Roman won most of their battle due to a combination of factors, number wasn't particularly one of them. The use of formation and discipline should be listed at the top one reason. They could out manoeuvre their ennemy because legions were heavily trained to accomplish a certain number of formations, the most famous being testudo. Logistic is another aspect, and the formidable speed of roman legion was a decisive factor in most war (up to 40km per day !).
They had a great chain of commands:
-The consul or pro-consul was leading the army
-A legatus was in charge of a legion, that is between 4000 to 6000 men
-Centurion were in charge of 10 decurions
-Decurion were in charge of ten mens

They had a banner and cor system to communicate, also their general wasn't busy fighting: he was busy giving orders, which was a great advantage over hellenic style of leadership.

To me the most interesting argument in Roman militaristic superiority is to be found in their political system during the republic. The fact that patricians were seeking for glory and honour is the main explaining factor to roman expansion at that time, and the same can be said about citizens who formed the core of the Roman war machine. To gain gravitas, or credibility in public life, you had to serve your time. Up to 20 years of military service ! The financial aspect of roman militaristic history is also a topic on its own.



Note that I agree with the parts I've removed from your post, but I do have some small quibbles with this post. You are mixing and matching a number of different periods of the roman army here. The famous 40km a day (point of order, 40km was a forced march, 30km was the goal Caesar set, and he was considered a harsh disciplinarian in that aspect) was only achievable after Marius removed 90% of the baggage train with his reforms. Any prior army was exactly as slow as any other ancient army (with the exception of Nomadic cultures, one of the reasons they had such problems with the Cimbri).

At the start of the republic the chain of command was indeed very clear, One consul would be sent out with an army (usually around 2 Legions maximum) the other would mind the fort at home. The title of proconsul (properly put imperium pro consule) was invented at the time when rome started to field more armies than they had consuls or praetors they could send away (some disagreement here, but usually people cite the creation of the pronvinces as this point so sometime during the punic wars).

The individual chain of command varied a lot depending on how the general wanted to use his legates. Some of the most famous Roman blunders happened when two senior dignitaries did not agree with each other (Aurasia, Cannae to name the most famous examples).

Until the second Punic War Rome fielded their legions in a pseudo phalanx formation (haestati in the first two lines, followed by 2 lines of principes and a line of triarii was considered the ideal formation 1000man wide 5 ranks deep, if I wasn't on vacation I could cite you a latin source for that). They were actually very inflexible tactically and won their wars against the other latin tribes through a combination of good diplomacy, attrition and pure grit. After Hannibal wrecked them twice Cornelius Scipio (later called Africanus) reformed the Army around the maniple and Centuriae and instituted many of the things you list (chain of command, Centurions, Standards to orient the men, Horn signals to name a few). Before that point few Historians actually considered Rome anything special military wise. The difference between them and their neighbours was that they simply didn't know how to quit, most guesses as to why that was, indeed list the idea of long military service as a "standard" to become a good Roman. While 20 years would be exceptional if the sources can be believed (they are rather scarce for that time period) Almost anyone did at least 5 Campaigns in the Legions. More if you wanted to become a politician (Military Tribune and later Legate was one of the few ways to get noticed as a Youngish Man if you were not an outstanding orator/lawyer).

Anyway, back on topic. At the start of the game the Romans probably should be weaker, but frankly it's kinda difficult to code that. You'd need to include at least 3 distinct steps and it would make the game flow much stranger (with the barracks system it already feels artificial enough, but at least does are linked to research, imagine if you simply had to wait and hold out for 60 turns before you could deploy your units in the typical Rome formation...). They kind of gimped Carthage heavily with the two 2 client states. I can understand why they did so, because by rights they should rule 2 entire provinces to start which would overpower them, but the First Punic War can be described best as "Superpower against the annoying gnat who just won't quit and accept peace". The Romans simply kept fighting until Carthage went bankrupt because their entire military was set up around hiring mercenaries (until Hamilcar barcas came around after this specific loss and had to fight 3 years of Rebellion). Since Carthage can recruit units normally in this game, they had to nerf them harshly in some other way

One last comment from the historian, the one area where Rome truly outshone all their opponents was Siegecraft. Both the mobile artillery and their construction to siege cities was unmatched until the Trebuchet was reinvented in the late middle ages.

Edit: after watching the extra credit episode, I must give those guys credit they actually condensed the first punic war down well for a 5 minute clip. Guess I'll show that episode to my students in the review session at some point


Well, Gaius Claudius Nero clearly didn't know that, as he force-marched north some 500-600 km in 10 days before the battle of Metaurus in order to defeat Hasdrubal Barca although to be fair, he -wasn't- burdened with the baggage train as he was supplied by the local italian socii, but i had to point out that occurence still, that's an incredible feat anyways,so if the roman army was somewhat as slow as any other civilized force when burdened with baggage, it could be much faster even in pre-marian time, given the right circumstances.


The manipular legion invention is traditionally attributed to Marcus Furius Camillus, during the Samnite wars; besides only the triarii fight in a fashion vaguely resembling hoplites,both hastati and principes fight much more like iberian mercenaries (scutarii, to be more precise, which were the specific inspiration for their redesign of both their sword (gladius) and their shield/pila in the first punic war) so i have to disagree with your statement on "pseudo-phalanx legion" in the early game.
The Pyrrhic wars are a perfect example of the differences between those 2 army systems.


I fear there isn't really a way to make Rome challenging without making the AI and/or have a friend manning an opposing faction, Rome is nerfed enough by the absence of manpower/population in the game (and the italian provinces aren't quite as rich as opposed to say, german ones as historically true) so Carthage needed a nerf too




Yes if they abandoned the baggage train they could force march amazingly in the right circumstances (so could the Spartans or any other army for that matter as long as the general in command had the right authority to make it happen).

We are talking about two different things with the manipular legion there. You are talking about organisation while I was talking about tactics. Yes their marching order sorted stuff by maniples (also to make it easier to break off small units, in the Samnite wars 1 Legion was considered an army by itself), but for battle the "standard plan" was to line up in the 5 lines to create a disciplined shield wall, anchored by the most experienced men possible. Yes I can also list a few battles where they tried to do things differently, but by and large that was the way they approached battles.

And the reason I said pseudo phalanx was precisely because they had little in common with hoplites, even from the earliest points. To my knowledge they never used overreaching spears or anything similar even with their trarii, but they still lined up in similar formations at that point in time.


This 5 line maniple system you seem to have in mind does not correspond to either of the major sources for the Punic Wars (Livy and Polybius) or the Samnite Wars (Livy).
If I may quote Livy XIII, 8, 3-8

'[3] The Romans had formerly used small round shields; then, after they began to serve for pay, they made oblong shields instead of round ones; [4] and what had before been a phalanx, like the Macedonian phalanxes, came afterwards to be a line of battle formed by maniples, with the rearmost troops drawn up in a number of companies. [5] The first line, or hastati, comprised fifteen maniples, stationed a short distance apart; the maniple had twenty light —armed soldiers, the rest of their number carried oblong shields; moreover those were called “light —armed” who carried only a spear and javelins. [6] this front line in the battle contained the flower of the young men who were growing ripe for service. behind These came a line of the same number of maniples, made up of men of a more stalwart age; these were called the principes; they carried oblong shields and were the most showily armed of all. [7] this body of thirty maniples they called antepilani, because behind the standards there were again stationed other fifteen companies, each of which had three sections, the first section in every company being known as pilus. [8] The company consisted of three vexilla or “banners”; a single vexillum had sixty soldiers, two centurions, one vexillarius, or colourbearer; the company numbered a hundred and eighty —six men. The first banner led the triarii, veteran soldiers of proven valour; the second banner the rorarii, younger and less distinguished men; the [p. 33]third banner the accensi, who were the least dependable, and were, for that reason, assigned to the rear most line.'

Livy goes on to talk of how the three lines would engage, the hastati first, followed by the principes, and then if all else failed the triarii (literally meaning the thirds, or third line) however I shant quote that because I have already quoted a large chunk of words, it is however Livy XIII, 8, 9-13 if you are interested in reading up on it.

This is written as taking place in 340BC as it happens, before the first Punic war of 264BC as you seem to have it dated.

As well as this the Romans prior to this did fight as a phalanx, a mode of fighting they had inherited from the Etruscans including the use of small round shields extremely similar to those of a phalanx.


Right, Livy wrote the definite work on that period, but keep in mind that he did write nearly 300 years later (he lived as a contemporary of Augustus and is considered together with Vergil one of the writers of that "golden age". Many people cite him, whereas most others disagree based on older sources (even if those are usually fragmented at best) and that he glorifies ancient Rome while doing his best to villify the individual Generals who lost anything (the passage on Lake Trasimene reads something along the lines of "the poor advisors knew exactly that it was a trap but the headstrong flaminius ran headlong into it anyway). The point where people disagree heavily is that the "3 lines" he proposes simply put make no sense. Simply put if your formation is 3 lines deep as described above it would break apart against any concentrated cavalry charge. From the few accounts of eye witnesses we do have (notable 3 seperate greek sources from battles of the first punic war) the formations put into the field usually varied in depth according to the terrain available and also tried to adapt to the force opposing them. It would have been madness to deploy the standard lines of infantry with your hardened spears at the back against a Numidian cavalry force, but simply put we don't know what they did to deal with something like that.

Hannibal wrote a letter nearly 40 years later during his campaigns in Italy that he was suprised the Romans were so unflexible with their maniples.

What I meant by 5 lines as the ideal formation was that a full strength legion working in open field against a similar sized force would form up approximately along those lines. Out of a full 5000 men (and yes I know that including camp followers and officers a legion had around 4500 fighting men instead of 5000) you'd have 2000 hastati, 2000 principes and 1000 triarii ideally. That is an obvious oversimplification, but it was considered the ideal. If you deployed those in 3 lines by their maniples the triarii either had to be overstretched to cover the full length or they had to leave the flanks without them. Doesn't sound very practical. What they did instead was they deployed their maniples like a checkerboard. All white Squares were filled with a Maniple of soldiers except for the last line. The triarii deployed in a straight line (still split into maniples for unit control so that they could cover the entire formation with their strength.

We are completely ignoring the velites and Equites here btw, but let's not go there even if they did include those in a standard army.

If you want to continue this discussion (preferrebly tomorrow when i'm back to my books so I can cite my own Sources) let's take it to PMs before we continue to derail this completely. The point I wanted to make was that before the 2nd Punic War forced them to change and adapt (as the first had forced the Carthagians to adapt 30 years earlier) the Roman line of battle was by no means considered exceptional. Their "technology" so to speak was at best equal to their enemies, what set them apart was their grit and will (on the part of the senate and the people). They didn't stop and ask for terms at many points during the first punic war or the samnite Wars where it seems "obvious" in hindsight that they should have. Instead they built another fleet and tried again, and again, and again until they finally won a Fleet engagement and Carthage folded immediately.


masterbreti
Profile Blog Joined October 2010
Korea (South)2711 Posts
September 07 2013 15:22 GMT
#1224
Please don't move this to Pm's, maybe a blog post. I've been reading and enjoying myself reading the debate, I would dislike missing out on it, and I'm sure many people would like to see this debate continue as well.
Greem
Profile Blog Joined September 2010
730 Posts
September 07 2013 15:25 GMT
#1225
please dont take this stuff to PMs Its cool to read this
youtube.com/N0rthernL1ght
SpikeStarcraft
Profile Joined October 2011
Germany2095 Posts
September 07 2013 15:44 GMT
#1226
On September 08 2013 00:00 Greem wrote:
Is anyone here involved with modding of Rome 2 or knows where to start with all "this" ? I never had so much desire to change this for better.


im not involved but i guess the best way to start would be to look up modding guides on twcenter for shogun 2 cause most of it is probably transferable to rome II. you just need to find the right files and entries..

http://www.twcenter.net/forums/forumdisplay.php?1552-Total-War-Shogun-2-Mod-Workshop
(that forum takes forever to load though)
Sermokala
Profile Blog Joined November 2010
United States13956 Posts
September 07 2013 15:57 GMT
#1227
clearly talking about roman history and debateing various roman things is entirely on topic and enjoyed by everyone.

I mean we are all nerds after all do you think anyone here isn't actualy enjoying that history shit?
A wise man will say that he knows nothing. We're gona party like its 2752 Hail Dark Brandon
MotherOfRunes
Profile Joined December 2010
Germany2862 Posts
September 07 2013 16:20 GMT
#1228
On September 08 2013 00:12 Tula wrote:
Show nested quote +
On September 07 2013 21:24 xccam wrote:
On September 07 2013 20:12 Tula wrote:
On September 07 2013 13:28 Skirmjan wrote:
On September 07 2013 08:35 Tula wrote:
On September 07 2013 06:37 aXa wrote:
On September 07 2013 05:35 Scip wrote:
On September 06 2013 20:54 DonKey_ wrote:
Well so far I have about 50 turns into a Rome, Egypt, and Carthage. With a bit played on Macedon, and Suebi as well.

The order of difficulty so far from easiest to hardest has been: Rome >>>>>> Egypt >> Macedon > Carthage > Suebi.

Rome is expectantly CRAZY broken with the most efficient and elite units at every point in the game so far, as well as having a very nice starting position.
Egypt was much stronger than I expected due to the fact that starting turn 1 with a province is REALLY strong, and everyone around you is a nomadic nobody with no allies. Another fun thing with Egypt is just how much easier it is to trade with others since you start with a province that has 2 wheat, and an iron(and 2 wonders...), plus they actually have good units when you hit their tier 2 barracks. Being Hellenic is nice too.
Macedon felt like you could have a nice set up, but I lost 2 cities in Macedon to Sparta who was my ally, and pretty much everyone around me hated me.
Carthage was kind of annoying with it feeling like your client sates hurt you more than help you. I love their hoplite shields though.
Suebi felt kinda fun with the confederation mechanic, but then I realized when I got powerful I had basically 2 units(beserkers and swordmasters) to look forward too.

I really want balance mods to come out fast. ><

I don't know nearly enough about ancient warfare to be confident, but wouldn't it make sense that roman soldiers pre-marian reform would be somewhat weaker than that of other nations?
IIRC, they weren't used to the chain of command and things like that, so you couldn't pull off crazy maneuvers in battles and stuff. Their armament wasn't any more technologically advanced than that of their enemies (leather/iron chainmail, etc.). They really won mostly through their numbers, no?
After Marian reforms legions did start owning all other infantry, but they were still kinda weak against heavy cavalry and horse archers, as shown by unsuccessful wars against Parthia and surrounding areas.
Correct me if I am wrong on anything I said please :3



Roman won most of their battle due to a combination of factors, number wasn't particularly one of them. The use of formation and discipline should be listed at the top one reason. They could out manoeuvre their ennemy because legions were heavily trained to accomplish a certain number of formations, the most famous being testudo. Logistic is another aspect, and the formidable speed of roman legion was a decisive factor in most war (up to 40km per day !).
They had a great chain of commands:
-The consul or pro-consul was leading the army
-A legatus was in charge of a legion, that is between 4000 to 6000 men
-Centurion were in charge of 10 decurions
-Decurion were in charge of ten mens

They had a banner and cor system to communicate, also their general wasn't busy fighting: he was busy giving orders, which was a great advantage over hellenic style of leadership.

To me the most interesting argument in Roman militaristic superiority is to be found in their political system during the republic. The fact that patricians were seeking for glory and honour is the main explaining factor to roman expansion at that time, and the same can be said about citizens who formed the core of the Roman war machine. To gain gravitas, or credibility in public life, you had to serve your time. Up to 20 years of military service ! The financial aspect of roman militaristic history is also a topic on its own.



Note that I agree with the parts I've removed from your post, but I do have some small quibbles with this post. You are mixing and matching a number of different periods of the roman army here. The famous 40km a day (point of order, 40km was a forced march, 30km was the goal Caesar set, and he was considered a harsh disciplinarian in that aspect) was only achievable after Marius removed 90% of the baggage train with his reforms. Any prior army was exactly as slow as any other ancient army (with the exception of Nomadic cultures, one of the reasons they had such problems with the Cimbri).

At the start of the republic the chain of command was indeed very clear, One consul would be sent out with an army (usually around 2 Legions maximum) the other would mind the fort at home. The title of proconsul (properly put imperium pro consule) was invented at the time when rome started to field more armies than they had consuls or praetors they could send away (some disagreement here, but usually people cite the creation of the pronvinces as this point so sometime during the punic wars).

The individual chain of command varied a lot depending on how the general wanted to use his legates. Some of the most famous Roman blunders happened when two senior dignitaries did not agree with each other (Aurasia, Cannae to name the most famous examples).

Until the second Punic War Rome fielded their legions in a pseudo phalanx formation (haestati in the first two lines, followed by 2 lines of principes and a line of triarii was considered the ideal formation 1000man wide 5 ranks deep, if I wasn't on vacation I could cite you a latin source for that). They were actually very inflexible tactically and won their wars against the other latin tribes through a combination of good diplomacy, attrition and pure grit. After Hannibal wrecked them twice Cornelius Scipio (later called Africanus) reformed the Army around the maniple and Centuriae and instituted many of the things you list (chain of command, Centurions, Standards to orient the men, Horn signals to name a few). Before that point few Historians actually considered Rome anything special military wise. The difference between them and their neighbours was that they simply didn't know how to quit, most guesses as to why that was, indeed list the idea of long military service as a "standard" to become a good Roman. While 20 years would be exceptional if the sources can be believed (they are rather scarce for that time period) Almost anyone did at least 5 Campaigns in the Legions. More if you wanted to become a politician (Military Tribune and later Legate was one of the few ways to get noticed as a Youngish Man if you were not an outstanding orator/lawyer).

Anyway, back on topic. At the start of the game the Romans probably should be weaker, but frankly it's kinda difficult to code that. You'd need to include at least 3 distinct steps and it would make the game flow much stranger (with the barracks system it already feels artificial enough, but at least does are linked to research, imagine if you simply had to wait and hold out for 60 turns before you could deploy your units in the typical Rome formation...). They kind of gimped Carthage heavily with the two 2 client states. I can understand why they did so, because by rights they should rule 2 entire provinces to start which would overpower them, but the First Punic War can be described best as "Superpower against the annoying gnat who just won't quit and accept peace". The Romans simply kept fighting until Carthage went bankrupt because their entire military was set up around hiring mercenaries (until Hamilcar barcas came around after this specific loss and had to fight 3 years of Rebellion). Since Carthage can recruit units normally in this game, they had to nerf them harshly in some other way

One last comment from the historian, the one area where Rome truly outshone all their opponents was Siegecraft. Both the mobile artillery and their construction to siege cities was unmatched until the Trebuchet was reinvented in the late middle ages.

Edit: after watching the extra credit episode, I must give those guys credit they actually condensed the first punic war down well for a 5 minute clip. Guess I'll show that episode to my students in the review session at some point


Well, Gaius Claudius Nero clearly didn't know that, as he force-marched north some 500-600 km in 10 days before the battle of Metaurus in order to defeat Hasdrubal Barca although to be fair, he -wasn't- burdened with the baggage train as he was supplied by the local italian socii, but i had to point out that occurence still, that's an incredible feat anyways,so if the roman army was somewhat as slow as any other civilized force when burdened with baggage, it could be much faster even in pre-marian time, given the right circumstances.


The manipular legion invention is traditionally attributed to Marcus Furius Camillus, during the Samnite wars; besides only the triarii fight in a fashion vaguely resembling hoplites,both hastati and principes fight much more like iberian mercenaries (scutarii, to be more precise, which were the specific inspiration for their redesign of both their sword (gladius) and their shield/pila in the first punic war) so i have to disagree with your statement on "pseudo-phalanx legion" in the early game.
The Pyrrhic wars are a perfect example of the differences between those 2 army systems.


I fear there isn't really a way to make Rome challenging without making the AI and/or have a friend manning an opposing faction, Rome is nerfed enough by the absence of manpower/population in the game (and the italian provinces aren't quite as rich as opposed to say, german ones as historically true) so Carthage needed a nerf too




Yes if they abandoned the baggage train they could force march amazingly in the right circumstances (so could the Spartans or any other army for that matter as long as the general in command had the right authority to make it happen).

We are talking about two different things with the manipular legion there. You are talking about organisation while I was talking about tactics. Yes their marching order sorted stuff by maniples (also to make it easier to break off small units, in the Samnite wars 1 Legion was considered an army by itself), but for battle the "standard plan" was to line up in the 5 lines to create a disciplined shield wall, anchored by the most experienced men possible. Yes I can also list a few battles where they tried to do things differently, but by and large that was the way they approached battles.

And the reason I said pseudo phalanx was precisely because they had little in common with hoplites, even from the earliest points. To my knowledge they never used overreaching spears or anything similar even with their trarii, but they still lined up in similar formations at that point in time.


This 5 line maniple system you seem to have in mind does not correspond to either of the major sources for the Punic Wars (Livy and Polybius) or the Samnite Wars (Livy).
If I may quote Livy XIII, 8, 3-8

'[3] The Romans had formerly used small round shields; then, after they began to serve for pay, they made oblong shields instead of round ones; [4] and what had before been a phalanx, like the Macedonian phalanxes, came afterwards to be a line of battle formed by maniples, with the rearmost troops drawn up in a number of companies. [5] The first line, or hastati, comprised fifteen maniples, stationed a short distance apart; the maniple had twenty light —armed soldiers, the rest of their number carried oblong shields; moreover those were called “light —armed” who carried only a spear and javelins. [6] this front line in the battle contained the flower of the young men who were growing ripe for service. behind These came a line of the same number of maniples, made up of men of a more stalwart age; these were called the principes; they carried oblong shields and were the most showily armed of all. [7] this body of thirty maniples they called antepilani, because behind the standards there were again stationed other fifteen companies, each of which had three sections, the first section in every company being known as pilus. [8] The company consisted of three vexilla or “banners”; a single vexillum had sixty soldiers, two centurions, one vexillarius, or colourbearer; the company numbered a hundred and eighty —six men. The first banner led the triarii, veteran soldiers of proven valour; the second banner the rorarii, younger and less distinguished men; the [p. 33]third banner the accensi, who were the least dependable, and were, for that reason, assigned to the rear most line.'

Livy goes on to talk of how the three lines would engage, the hastati first, followed by the principes, and then if all else failed the triarii (literally meaning the thirds, or third line) however I shant quote that because I have already quoted a large chunk of words, it is however Livy XIII, 8, 9-13 if you are interested in reading up on it.

This is written as taking place in 340BC as it happens, before the first Punic war of 264BC as you seem to have it dated.

As well as this the Romans prior to this did fight as a phalanx, a mode of fighting they had inherited from the Etruscans including the use of small round shields extremely similar to those of a phalanx.


Right, Livy wrote the definite work on that period, but keep in mind that he did write nearly 300 years later (he lived as a contemporary of Augustus and is considered together with Vergil one of the writers of that "golden age". Many people cite him, whereas most others disagree based on older sources (even if those are usually fragmented at best) and that he glorifies ancient Rome while doing his best to villify the individual Generals who lost anything (the passage on Lake Trasimene reads something along the lines of "the poor advisors knew exactly that it was a trap but the headstrong flaminius ran headlong into it anyway). The point where people disagree heavily is that the "3 lines" he proposes simply put make no sense. Simply put if your formation is 3 lines deep as described above it would break apart against any concentrated cavalry charge. From the few accounts of eye witnesses we do have (notable 3 seperate greek sources from battles of the first punic war) the formations put into the field usually varied in depth according to the terrain available and also tried to adapt to the force opposing them. It would have been madness to deploy the standard lines of infantry with your hardened spears at the back against a Numidian cavalry force, but simply put we don't know what they did to deal with something like that.

Hannibal wrote a letter nearly 40 years later during his campaigns in Italy that he was suprised the Romans were so unflexible with their maniples.

What I meant by 5 lines as the ideal formation was that a full strength legion working in open field against a similar sized force would form up approximately along those lines. Out of a full 5000 men (and yes I know that including camp followers and officers a legion had around 4500 fighting men instead of 5000) you'd have 2000 hastati, 2000 principes and 1000 triarii ideally. That is an obvious oversimplification, but it was considered the ideal. If you deployed those in 3 lines by their maniples the triarii either had to be overstretched to cover the full length or they had to leave the flanks without them. Doesn't sound very practical. What they did instead was they deployed their maniples like a checkerboard. All white Squares were filled with a Maniple of soldiers except for the last line. The triarii deployed in a straight line (still split into maniples for unit control so that they could cover the entire formation with their strength.

We are completely ignoring the velites and Equites here btw, but let's not go there even if they did include those in a standard army.

If you want to continue this discussion (preferrebly tomorrow when i'm back to my books so I can cite my own Sources) let's take it to PMs before we continue to derail this completely. The point I wanted to make was that before the 2nd Punic War forced them to change and adapt (as the first had forced the Carthagians to adapt 30 years earlier) the Roman line of battle was by no means considered exceptional. Their "technology" so to speak was at best equal to their enemies, what set them apart was their grit and will (on the part of the senate and the people). They didn't stop and ask for terms at many points during the first punic war or the samnite Wars where it seems "obvious" in hindsight that they should have. Instead they built another fleet and tried again, and again, and again until they finally won a Fleet engagement and Carthage folded immediately.



dooooont move this to PMs or another thread jsut keep going! you are awesome sir and i would be happy to read more of this discussion
"Your Razor sucks!" -Kuroky's Dad
sc4k
Profile Blog Joined January 2010
United Kingdom5454 Posts
Last Edited: 2013-09-07 16:32:41
September 07 2013 16:31 GMT
#1229
On September 08 2013 01:20 MotherOfRunes wrote:
Show nested quote +
On September 08 2013 00:12 Tula wrote:
On September 07 2013 21:24 xccam wrote:
On September 07 2013 20:12 Tula wrote:
On September 07 2013 13:28 Skirmjan wrote:
On September 07 2013 08:35 Tula wrote:
On September 07 2013 06:37 aXa wrote:
On September 07 2013 05:35 Scip wrote:
On September 06 2013 20:54 DonKey_ wrote:
Well so far I have about 50 turns into a Rome, Egypt, and Carthage. With a bit played on Macedon, and Suebi as well.

The order of difficulty so far from easiest to hardest has been: Rome >>>>>> Egypt >> Macedon > Carthage > Suebi.

Rome is expectantly CRAZY broken with the most efficient and elite units at every point in the game so far, as well as having a very nice starting position.
Egypt was much stronger than I expected due to the fact that starting turn 1 with a province is REALLY strong, and everyone around you is a nomadic nobody with no allies. Another fun thing with Egypt is just how much easier it is to trade with others since you start with a province that has 2 wheat, and an iron(and 2 wonders...), plus they actually have good units when you hit their tier 2 barracks. Being Hellenic is nice too.
Macedon felt like you could have a nice set up, but I lost 2 cities in Macedon to Sparta who was my ally, and pretty much everyone around me hated me.
Carthage was kind of annoying with it feeling like your client sates hurt you more than help you. I love their hoplite shields though.
Suebi felt kinda fun with the confederation mechanic, but then I realized when I got powerful I had basically 2 units(beserkers and swordmasters) to look forward too.

I really want balance mods to come out fast. ><

I don't know nearly enough about ancient warfare to be confident, but wouldn't it make sense that roman soldiers pre-marian reform would be somewhat weaker than that of other nations?
IIRC, they weren't used to the chain of command and things like that, so you couldn't pull off crazy maneuvers in battles and stuff. Their armament wasn't any more technologically advanced than that of their enemies (leather/iron chainmail, etc.). They really won mostly through their numbers, no?
After Marian reforms legions did start owning all other infantry, but they were still kinda weak against heavy cavalry and horse archers, as shown by unsuccessful wars against Parthia and surrounding areas.
Correct me if I am wrong on anything I said please :3



Roman won most of their battle due to a combination of factors, number wasn't particularly one of them. The use of formation and discipline should be listed at the top one reason. They could out manoeuvre their ennemy because legions were heavily trained to accomplish a certain number of formations, the most famous being testudo. Logistic is another aspect, and the formidable speed of roman legion was a decisive factor in most war (up to 40km per day !).
They had a great chain of commands:
-The consul or pro-consul was leading the army
-A legatus was in charge of a legion, that is between 4000 to 6000 men
-Centurion were in charge of 10 decurions
-Decurion were in charge of ten mens

They had a banner and cor system to communicate, also their general wasn't busy fighting: he was busy giving orders, which was a great advantage over hellenic style of leadership.

To me the most interesting argument in Roman militaristic superiority is to be found in their political system during the republic. The fact that patricians were seeking for glory and honour is the main explaining factor to roman expansion at that time, and the same can be said about citizens who formed the core of the Roman war machine. To gain gravitas, or credibility in public life, you had to serve your time. Up to 20 years of military service ! The financial aspect of roman militaristic history is also a topic on its own.



Note that I agree with the parts I've removed from your post, but I do have some small quibbles with this post. You are mixing and matching a number of different periods of the roman army here. The famous 40km a day (point of order, 40km was a forced march, 30km was the goal Caesar set, and he was considered a harsh disciplinarian in that aspect) was only achievable after Marius removed 90% of the baggage train with his reforms. Any prior army was exactly as slow as any other ancient army (with the exception of Nomadic cultures, one of the reasons they had such problems with the Cimbri).

At the start of the republic the chain of command was indeed very clear, One consul would be sent out with an army (usually around 2 Legions maximum) the other would mind the fort at home. The title of proconsul (properly put imperium pro consule) was invented at the time when rome started to field more armies than they had consuls or praetors they could send away (some disagreement here, but usually people cite the creation of the pronvinces as this point so sometime during the punic wars).

The individual chain of command varied a lot depending on how the general wanted to use his legates. Some of the most famous Roman blunders happened when two senior dignitaries did not agree with each other (Aurasia, Cannae to name the most famous examples).

Until the second Punic War Rome fielded their legions in a pseudo phalanx formation (haestati in the first two lines, followed by 2 lines of principes and a line of triarii was considered the ideal formation 1000man wide 5 ranks deep, if I wasn't on vacation I could cite you a latin source for that). They were actually very inflexible tactically and won their wars against the other latin tribes through a combination of good diplomacy, attrition and pure grit. After Hannibal wrecked them twice Cornelius Scipio (later called Africanus) reformed the Army around the maniple and Centuriae and instituted many of the things you list (chain of command, Centurions, Standards to orient the men, Horn signals to name a few). Before that point few Historians actually considered Rome anything special military wise. The difference between them and their neighbours was that they simply didn't know how to quit, most guesses as to why that was, indeed list the idea of long military service as a "standard" to become a good Roman. While 20 years would be exceptional if the sources can be believed (they are rather scarce for that time period) Almost anyone did at least 5 Campaigns in the Legions. More if you wanted to become a politician (Military Tribune and later Legate was one of the few ways to get noticed as a Youngish Man if you were not an outstanding orator/lawyer).

Anyway, back on topic. At the start of the game the Romans probably should be weaker, but frankly it's kinda difficult to code that. You'd need to include at least 3 distinct steps and it would make the game flow much stranger (with the barracks system it already feels artificial enough, but at least does are linked to research, imagine if you simply had to wait and hold out for 60 turns before you could deploy your units in the typical Rome formation...). They kind of gimped Carthage heavily with the two 2 client states. I can understand why they did so, because by rights they should rule 2 entire provinces to start which would overpower them, but the First Punic War can be described best as "Superpower against the annoying gnat who just won't quit and accept peace". The Romans simply kept fighting until Carthage went bankrupt because their entire military was set up around hiring mercenaries (until Hamilcar barcas came around after this specific loss and had to fight 3 years of Rebellion). Since Carthage can recruit units normally in this game, they had to nerf them harshly in some other way

One last comment from the historian, the one area where Rome truly outshone all their opponents was Siegecraft. Both the mobile artillery and their construction to siege cities was unmatched until the Trebuchet was reinvented in the late middle ages.

Edit: after watching the extra credit episode, I must give those guys credit they actually condensed the first punic war down well for a 5 minute clip. Guess I'll show that episode to my students in the review session at some point


Well, Gaius Claudius Nero clearly didn't know that, as he force-marched north some 500-600 km in 10 days before the battle of Metaurus in order to defeat Hasdrubal Barca although to be fair, he -wasn't- burdened with the baggage train as he was supplied by the local italian socii, but i had to point out that occurence still, that's an incredible feat anyways,so if the roman army was somewhat as slow as any other civilized force when burdened with baggage, it could be much faster even in pre-marian time, given the right circumstances.


The manipular legion invention is traditionally attributed to Marcus Furius Camillus, during the Samnite wars; besides only the triarii fight in a fashion vaguely resembling hoplites,both hastati and principes fight much more like iberian mercenaries (scutarii, to be more precise, which were the specific inspiration for their redesign of both their sword (gladius) and their shield/pila in the first punic war) so i have to disagree with your statement on "pseudo-phalanx legion" in the early game.
The Pyrrhic wars are a perfect example of the differences between those 2 army systems.


I fear there isn't really a way to make Rome challenging without making the AI and/or have a friend manning an opposing faction, Rome is nerfed enough by the absence of manpower/population in the game (and the italian provinces aren't quite as rich as opposed to say, german ones as historically true) so Carthage needed a nerf too




Yes if they abandoned the baggage train they could force march amazingly in the right circumstances (so could the Spartans or any other army for that matter as long as the general in command had the right authority to make it happen).

We are talking about two different things with the manipular legion there. You are talking about organisation while I was talking about tactics. Yes their marching order sorted stuff by maniples (also to make it easier to break off small units, in the Samnite wars 1 Legion was considered an army by itself), but for battle the "standard plan" was to line up in the 5 lines to create a disciplined shield wall, anchored by the most experienced men possible. Yes I can also list a few battles where they tried to do things differently, but by and large that was the way they approached battles.

And the reason I said pseudo phalanx was precisely because they had little in common with hoplites, even from the earliest points. To my knowledge they never used overreaching spears or anything similar even with their trarii, but they still lined up in similar formations at that point in time.


This 5 line maniple system you seem to have in mind does not correspond to either of the major sources for the Punic Wars (Livy and Polybius) or the Samnite Wars (Livy).
If I may quote Livy XIII, 8, 3-8

'[3] The Romans had formerly used small round shields; then, after they began to serve for pay, they made oblong shields instead of round ones; [4] and what had before been a phalanx, like the Macedonian phalanxes, came afterwards to be a line of battle formed by maniples, with the rearmost troops drawn up in a number of companies. [5] The first line, or hastati, comprised fifteen maniples, stationed a short distance apart; the maniple had twenty light —armed soldiers, the rest of their number carried oblong shields; moreover those were called “light —armed” who carried only a spear and javelins. [6] this front line in the battle contained the flower of the young men who were growing ripe for service. behind These came a line of the same number of maniples, made up of men of a more stalwart age; these were called the principes; they carried oblong shields and were the most showily armed of all. [7] this body of thirty maniples they called antepilani, because behind the standards there were again stationed other fifteen companies, each of which had three sections, the first section in every company being known as pilus. [8] The company consisted of three vexilla or “banners”; a single vexillum had sixty soldiers, two centurions, one vexillarius, or colourbearer; the company numbered a hundred and eighty —six men. The first banner led the triarii, veteran soldiers of proven valour; the second banner the rorarii, younger and less distinguished men; the [p. 33]third banner the accensi, who were the least dependable, and were, for that reason, assigned to the rear most line.'

Livy goes on to talk of how the three lines would engage, the hastati first, followed by the principes, and then if all else failed the triarii (literally meaning the thirds, or third line) however I shant quote that because I have already quoted a large chunk of words, it is however Livy XIII, 8, 9-13 if you are interested in reading up on it.

This is written as taking place in 340BC as it happens, before the first Punic war of 264BC as you seem to have it dated.

As well as this the Romans prior to this did fight as a phalanx, a mode of fighting they had inherited from the Etruscans including the use of small round shields extremely similar to those of a phalanx.


Right, Livy wrote the definite work on that period, but keep in mind that he did write nearly 300 years later (he lived as a contemporary of Augustus and is considered together with Vergil one of the writers of that "golden age". Many people cite him, whereas most others disagree based on older sources (even if those are usually fragmented at best) and that he glorifies ancient Rome while doing his best to villify the individual Generals who lost anything (the passage on Lake Trasimene reads something along the lines of "the poor advisors knew exactly that it was a trap but the headstrong flaminius ran headlong into it anyway). The point where people disagree heavily is that the "3 lines" he proposes simply put make no sense. Simply put if your formation is 3 lines deep as described above it would break apart against any concentrated cavalry charge. From the few accounts of eye witnesses we do have (notable 3 seperate greek sources from battles of the first punic war) the formations put into the field usually varied in depth according to the terrain available and also tried to adapt to the force opposing them. It would have been madness to deploy the standard lines of infantry with your hardened spears at the back against a Numidian cavalry force, but simply put we don't know what they did to deal with something like that.

Hannibal wrote a letter nearly 40 years later during his campaigns in Italy that he was suprised the Romans were so unflexible with their maniples.

What I meant by 5 lines as the ideal formation was that a full strength legion working in open field against a similar sized force would form up approximately along those lines. Out of a full 5000 men (and yes I know that including camp followers and officers a legion had around 4500 fighting men instead of 5000) you'd have 2000 hastati, 2000 principes and 1000 triarii ideally. That is an obvious oversimplification, but it was considered the ideal. If you deployed those in 3 lines by their maniples the triarii either had to be overstretched to cover the full length or they had to leave the flanks without them. Doesn't sound very practical. What they did instead was they deployed their maniples like a checkerboard. All white Squares were filled with a Maniple of soldiers except for the last line. The triarii deployed in a straight line (still split into maniples for unit control so that they could cover the entire formation with their strength.

We are completely ignoring the velites and Equites here btw, but let's not go there even if they did include those in a standard army.

If you want to continue this discussion (preferrebly tomorrow when i'm back to my books so I can cite my own Sources) let's take it to PMs before we continue to derail this completely. The point I wanted to make was that before the 2nd Punic War forced them to change and adapt (as the first had forced the Carthagians to adapt 30 years earlier) the Roman line of battle was by no means considered exceptional. Their "technology" so to speak was at best equal to their enemies, what set them apart was their grit and will (on the part of the senate and the people). They didn't stop and ask for terms at many points during the first punic war or the samnite Wars where it seems "obvious" in hindsight that they should have. Instead they built another fleet and tried again, and again, and again until they finally won a Fleet engagement and Carthage folded immediately.



dooooont move this to PMs or another thread jsut keep going! you are awesome sir and i would be happy to read more of this discussion


I powerfully second this request.

We so rarely have discussions on TL where both sides clearly study the topic. Debating about individual sources rather than quoting random internet fluff. It's good stuff.
xccam
Profile Blog Joined September 2009
Great Britain1150 Posts
Last Edited: 2013-09-07 16:42:22
September 07 2013 16:38 GMT
#1230
On September 08 2013 00:12 Tula wrote:
Right, Livy wrote the definite work on that period, but keep in mind that he did write nearly 300 years later (he lived as a contemporary of Augustus and is considered together with Vergil one of the writers of that "golden age". Many people cite him, whereas most others disagree based on older sources (even if those are usually fragmented at best) and that he glorifies ancient Rome while doing his best to villify the individual Generals who lost anything (the passage on Lake Trasimene reads something along the lines of "the poor advisors knew exactly that it was a trap but the headstrong flaminius ran headlong into it anyway). The point where people disagree heavily is that the "3 lines" he proposes simply put make no sense. Simply put if your formation is 3 lines deep as described above it would break apart against any concentrated cavalry charge. From the few accounts of eye witnesses we do have (notable 3 seperate greek sources from battles of the first punic war) the formations put into the field usually varied in depth according to the terrain available and also tried to adapt to the force opposing them. It would have been madness to deploy the standard lines of infantry with your hardened spears at the back against a Numidian cavalry force, but simply put we don't know what they did to deal with something like that.

Hannibal wrote a letter nearly 40 years later during his campaigns in Italy that he was suprised the Romans were so unflexible with their maniples.

What I meant by 5 lines as the ideal formation was that a full strength legion working in open field against a similar sized force would form up approximately along those lines. Out of a full 5000 men (and yes I know that including camp followers and officers a legion had around 4500 fighting men instead of 5000) you'd have 2000 hastati, 2000 principes and 1000 triarii ideally. That is an obvious oversimplification, but it was considered the ideal. If you deployed those in 3 lines by their maniples the triarii either had to be overstretched to cover the full length or they had to leave the flanks without them. Doesn't sound very practical. What they did instead was they deployed their maniples like a checkerboard. All white Squares were filled with a Maniple of soldiers except for the last line. The triarii deployed in a straight line (still split into maniples for unit control so that they could cover the entire formation with their strength.

We are completely ignoring the velites and Equites here btw, but let's not go there even if they did include those in a standard army.

If you want to continue this discussion (preferrebly tomorrow when i'm back to my books so I can cite my own Sources) let's take it to PMs before we continue to derail this completely. The point I wanted to make was that before the 2nd Punic War forced them to change and adapt (as the first had forced the Carthagians to adapt 30 years earlier) the Roman line of battle was by no means considered exceptional. Their "technology" so to speak was at best equal to their enemies, what set them apart was their grit and will (on the part of the senate and the people). They didn't stop and ask for terms at many points during the first punic war or the samnite Wars where it seems "obvious" in hindsight that they should have. Instead they built another fleet and tried again, and again, and again until they finally won a Fleet engagement and Carthage folded immediately.




Whilst it is indeed true, Livy writes a considerable time after the events, his description of the events surrounding lake Trasimene are corroborated strongly in Polybius' account of the battle (Plb. 3.83-84) however Polybius doesnt mention any of the advisors 'knowing' they were walking into a trap, but nor does livy also makes no mention of the advisors saying anything of the sort. They suggested that he should send out Skirmishers and Horsemen to prevent Hannibal pillaging more of the farmland,

'Flaminius, even had his enemy sat still, was not the man to have sat still himself; but now, when he saw the farms of the allies being harried and pillaged almost under his own eyes, he felt it as a personal disgrace that the Phoenician should be roaming through the midst of Italy, and marching, with no one to dispute his passage, to assault the very walls of Rome. [8] In the council of war the rest were all for safe in preference to showy measures: he should wait, they said, for his colleague to come up, in order that they might unite their forces and conduct the war with a common policy and resolution; [9] meantime, he should employ his cavalry and skirmishers to check the enemy's widespread, unrestricted pillaging. [10] Enraged by this advice, Flaminius flung out of the council, and having given the signal at once for marching and for fighting, exclaimed, “Ay, truly! Let us sit still under the walls of Arretium, for here are our native city and our household gods; let Hannibal slip through our fingers and ravage Italy, and, laying waste and burning everything, march clear to Rome; and let us not move from this spot, till the Fathers, as once they summoned Camillus from Veii, shall summon Gaius Flaminius from Arretium.”' Livy. XXII, 3, 7-10.

Livy even states that the officers didnt wish to advance, because the consul had fallen from his horse, and this was inauspicious, however the rank and file soldiery advanced in high spirits emboldened by their commander (Livy, XXII, 3, 14). Noone knew they were walking into a trap, until the trap was sprung. Flamininus dies, along with 15k Roman Troops.

And as for the 3 lines being broken by a charge by cavalry, numidian especialy, is an extreme unrealism. There are no charge cavalry really present in the western Mediterranean at this time, due to the lack of stirrups, and any charge made by light cavalry against a heavy infantry shield wall would be almost disastrous. Numidian cavalry especially are not charge cavalry, they are harassing cavalry, excellent horsemen and skirmishers first. At the battle of Cannae for example they know they cannot match up to the Roman heavier horse, and so

'The Numidian horse on the Carthaginian right were meanwhile charging the cavalry on the Roman left; and though, from the peculiar nature of their mode of fighting, they neither inflicted nor received much harm, they yet rendered the enemy's horse useless by keeping them occupied, and charging them first on one side and then on another. But when Hasdrubal, after all but annihilating the cavalry by the river, came from the left to the support of the Numidians, the Roman allied cavalry, seeing his charge approaching, broke and fled.' -Plb. 3.116

To expect Numidian cavalry to break a Roman Infantry line makes me question your sources on this, however I would certainly like to see them and be proved wrong, as this isn't something I've come across in my degree so far. (Especially for this letter by Hannibal, the manipular system WAS a little inflexible and is why it was altered for the battle of Zama by Scipio, but I've never heard of a letter from Hannibal.)

Also, a legion was not 2k Hastati, 2k principes and 1 k triarii, It was in fact

'The legionary infantry is described as falling into four categories of men-velites,
hastati, principes and triarii. In the standard complement of 4,200 there would be 1,200
velites, I ,200 hastati, 1 ,200 principes and 600 triarii. The hastati were organized in 10 manipuli
of 120 men each, and so were the principes. But the 10 maniples of the triarii numbered
only 60 men in each. As for the light-armed velites, they did not have units of their own,
but were attached proportionately to the maniples of the hastati, principes and triarii
.' pp67
- Sumner, G.V. 1970, The Legion and the Centuriate Organization, The Journal of Roman Studies, Vol. 60, pp. 67-78


I will agree that the Roman army at the time was not exceptional, but I don't think we can really argue against it being a manipular system at the time in question.
Greem
Profile Blog Joined September 2010
730 Posts
September 07 2013 17:08 GMT
#1231
On September 08 2013 00:44 SpikeStarcraft wrote:
Show nested quote +
On September 08 2013 00:00 Greem wrote:
Is anyone here involved with modding of Rome 2 or knows where to start with all "this" ? I never had so much desire to change this for better.


im not involved but i guess the best way to start would be to look up modding guides on twcenter for shogun 2 cause most of it is probably transferable to rome II. you just need to find the right files and entries..

http://www.twcenter.net/forums/forumdisplay.php?1552-Total-War-Shogun-2-Mod-Workshop
(that forum takes forever to load though)


Thanks will look into it!
youtube.com/N0rthernL1ght
TSORG
Profile Joined September 2012
293 Posts
Last Edited: 2013-09-07 17:11:46
September 07 2013 17:11 GMT
#1232
http://forums.totalwar.com/showthread.php/82496-Sorry-From-CA-Current-State-of-the-Game-and-What-Happens-Next

a formal apology.
TSORG
Profile Joined September 2012
293 Posts
September 07 2013 17:21 GMT
#1233
On September 08 2013 01:38 xccam wrote:
Show nested quote +
On September 08 2013 00:12 Tula wrote:
Right, Livy wrote the definite work on that period, but keep in mind that he did write nearly 300 years later (he lived as a contemporary of Augustus and is considered together with Vergil one of the writers of that "golden age". Many people cite him, whereas most others disagree based on older sources (even if those are usually fragmented at best) and that he glorifies ancient Rome while doing his best to villify the individual Generals who lost anything (the passage on Lake Trasimene reads something along the lines of "the poor advisors knew exactly that it was a trap but the headstrong flaminius ran headlong into it anyway). The point where people disagree heavily is that the "3 lines" he proposes simply put make no sense. Simply put if your formation is 3 lines deep as described above it would break apart against any concentrated cavalry charge. From the few accounts of eye witnesses we do have (notable 3 seperate greek sources from battles of the first punic war) the formations put into the field usually varied in depth according to the terrain available and also tried to adapt to the force opposing them. It would have been madness to deploy the standard lines of infantry with your hardened spears at the back against a Numidian cavalry force, but simply put we don't know what they did to deal with something like that.

Hannibal wrote a letter nearly 40 years later during his campaigns in Italy that he was suprised the Romans were so unflexible with their maniples.

What I meant by 5 lines as the ideal formation was that a full strength legion working in open field against a similar sized force would form up approximately along those lines. Out of a full 5000 men (and yes I know that including camp followers and officers a legion had around 4500 fighting men instead of 5000) you'd have 2000 hastati, 2000 principes and 1000 triarii ideally. That is an obvious oversimplification, but it was considered the ideal. If you deployed those in 3 lines by their maniples the triarii either had to be overstretched to cover the full length or they had to leave the flanks without them. Doesn't sound very practical. What they did instead was they deployed their maniples like a checkerboard. All white Squares were filled with a Maniple of soldiers except for the last line. The triarii deployed in a straight line (still split into maniples for unit control so that they could cover the entire formation with their strength.

We are completely ignoring the velites and Equites here btw, but let's not go there even if they did include those in a standard army.

If you want to continue this discussion (preferrebly tomorrow when i'm back to my books so I can cite my own Sources) let's take it to PMs before we continue to derail this completely. The point I wanted to make was that before the 2nd Punic War forced them to change and adapt (as the first had forced the Carthagians to adapt 30 years earlier) the Roman line of battle was by no means considered exceptional. Their "technology" so to speak was at best equal to their enemies, what set them apart was their grit and will (on the part of the senate and the people). They didn't stop and ask for terms at many points during the first punic war or the samnite Wars where it seems "obvious" in hindsight that they should have. Instead they built another fleet and tried again, and again, and again until they finally won a Fleet engagement and Carthage folded immediately.




Whilst it is indeed true, Livy writes a considerable time after the events, his description of the events surrounding lake Trasimene are corroborated strongly in Polybius' account of the battle (Plb. 3.83-84) however Polybius doesnt mention any of the advisors 'knowing' they were walking into a trap, but nor does livy also makes no mention of the advisors saying anything of the sort. They suggested that he should send out Skirmishers and Horsemen to prevent Hannibal pillaging more of the farmland,

'Flaminius, even had his enemy sat still, was not the man to have sat still himself; but now, when he saw the farms of the allies being harried and pillaged almost under his own eyes, he felt it as a personal disgrace that the Phoenician should be roaming through the midst of Italy, and marching, with no one to dispute his passage, to assault the very walls of Rome. [8] In the council of war the rest were all for safe in preference to showy measures: he should wait, they said, for his colleague to come up, in order that they might unite their forces and conduct the war with a common policy and resolution; [9] meantime, he should employ his cavalry and skirmishers to check the enemy's widespread, unrestricted pillaging. [10] Enraged by this advice, Flaminius flung out of the council, and having given the signal at once for marching and for fighting, exclaimed, “Ay, truly! Let us sit still under the walls of Arretium, for here are our native city and our household gods; let Hannibal slip through our fingers and ravage Italy, and, laying waste and burning everything, march clear to Rome; and let us not move from this spot, till the Fathers, as once they summoned Camillus from Veii, shall summon Gaius Flaminius from Arretium.”' Livy. XXII, 3, 7-10.

Livy even states that the officers didnt wish to advance, because the consul had fallen from his horse, and this was inauspicious, however the rank and file soldiery advanced in high spirits emboldened by their commander (Livy, XXII, 3, 14). Noone knew they were walking into a trap, until the trap was sprung. Flamininus dies, along with 15k Roman Troops.

And as for the 3 lines being broken by a charge by cavalry, numidian especialy, is an extreme unrealism. There are no charge cavalry really present in the western Mediterranean at this time, due to the lack of stirrups, and any charge made by light cavalry against a heavy infantry shield wall would be almost disastrous. Numidian cavalry especially are not charge cavalry, they are harassing cavalry, excellent horsemen and skirmishers first. At the battle of Cannae for example they know they cannot match up to the Roman heavier horse, and so

'The Numidian horse on the Carthaginian right were meanwhile charging the cavalry on the Roman left; and though, from the peculiar nature of their mode of fighting, they neither inflicted nor received much harm, they yet rendered the enemy's horse useless by keeping them occupied, and charging them first on one side and then on another. But when Hasdrubal, after all but annihilating the cavalry by the river, came from the left to the support of the Numidians, the Roman allied cavalry, seeing his charge approaching, broke and fled.' -Plb. 3.116

To expect Numidian cavalry to break a Roman Infantry line makes me question your sources on this, however I would certainly like to see them and be proved wrong, as this isn't something I've come across in my degree so far. (Especially for this letter by Hannibal, the manipular system WAS a little inflexible and is why it was altered for the battle of Zama by Scipio, but I've never heard of a letter from Hannibal.)

Also, a legion was not 2k Hastati, 2k principes and 1 k triarii, It was in fact

'The legionary infantry is described as falling into four categories of men-velites,
hastati, principes and triarii. In the standard complement of 4,200 there would be 1,200
velites, I ,200 hastati, 1 ,200 principes and 600 triarii. The hastati were organized in 10 manipuli
of 120 men each, and so were the principes. But the 10 maniples of the triarii numbered
only 60 men in each. As for the light-armed velites, they did not have units of their own,
but were attached proportionately to the maniples of the hastati, principes and triarii
.' pp67
- Sumner, G.V. 1970, The Legion and the Centuriate Organization, The Journal of Roman Studies, Vol. 60, pp. 67-78


I will agree that the Roman army at the time was not exceptional, but I don't think we can really argue against it being a manipular system at the time in question.



I thought the Iberians fielded heavy cavalry (and that Hannibal brought them with him at Cannae)
aXa
Profile Blog Joined July 2010
France748 Posts
Last Edited: 2013-09-07 17:51:36
September 07 2013 17:48 GMT
#1234
They are talking about numidian cavalry. Iberian troop were all light and were designed to ambush and skirmish anyway.

To me, Rome was superior to all barbarian nations because of one factor, that is discipline.

Barbarian warriors valued individual bravoury and courage in combat, while Rome was all about cohesive army, relying on your neighbour to secure your flank. Basically, Barbarians were charging with their sword held high, while roman pushed them away with a bump of their shield and then striked with their gladium in their opponnent belly.
Sermokala
Profile Blog Joined November 2010
United States13956 Posts
September 07 2013 17:51 GMT
#1235
On September 08 2013 02:11 TSORG wrote:
http://forums.totalwar.com/showthread.php/82496-Sorry-From-CA-Current-State-of-the-Game-and-What-Happens-Next

a formal apology.

was reading the comments when I stubled on this little gem of a sig.

Varus! O Quinctilius Varus, give me back my high FPS
A wise man will say that he knows nothing. We're gona party like its 2752 Hail Dark Brandon
aXa
Profile Blog Joined July 2010
France748 Posts
September 07 2013 17:53 GMT
#1236
On September 08 2013 02:51 Sermokala wrote:
Show nested quote +
On September 08 2013 02:11 TSORG wrote:
http://forums.totalwar.com/showthread.php/82496-Sorry-From-CA-Current-State-of-the-Game-and-What-Happens-Next

a formal apology.

was reading the comments when I stubled on this little gem of a sig.

Varus! O Quinctilius Varus, give me back my high FPS


Ah ah hilarious
xccam
Profile Blog Joined September 2009
Great Britain1150 Posts
September 07 2013 17:54 GMT
#1237
On September 08 2013 02:21 TSORG wrote:
Show nested quote +
On September 08 2013 01:38 xccam wrote:
On September 08 2013 00:12 Tula wrote:
Right, Livy wrote the definite work on that period, but keep in mind that he did write nearly 300 years later (he lived as a contemporary of Augustus and is considered together with Vergil one of the writers of that "golden age". Many people cite him, whereas most others disagree based on older sources (even if those are usually fragmented at best) and that he glorifies ancient Rome while doing his best to villify the individual Generals who lost anything (the passage on Lake Trasimene reads something along the lines of "the poor advisors knew exactly that it was a trap but the headstrong flaminius ran headlong into it anyway). The point where people disagree heavily is that the "3 lines" he proposes simply put make no sense. Simply put if your formation is 3 lines deep as described above it would break apart against any concentrated cavalry charge. From the few accounts of eye witnesses we do have (notable 3 seperate greek sources from battles of the first punic war) the formations put into the field usually varied in depth according to the terrain available and also tried to adapt to the force opposing them. It would have been madness to deploy the standard lines of infantry with your hardened spears at the back against a Numidian cavalry force, but simply put we don't know what they did to deal with something like that.

Hannibal wrote a letter nearly 40 years later during his campaigns in Italy that he was suprised the Romans were so unflexible with their maniples.

What I meant by 5 lines as the ideal formation was that a full strength legion working in open field against a similar sized force would form up approximately along those lines. Out of a full 5000 men (and yes I know that including camp followers and officers a legion had around 4500 fighting men instead of 5000) you'd have 2000 hastati, 2000 principes and 1000 triarii ideally. That is an obvious oversimplification, but it was considered the ideal. If you deployed those in 3 lines by their maniples the triarii either had to be overstretched to cover the full length or they had to leave the flanks without them. Doesn't sound very practical. What they did instead was they deployed their maniples like a checkerboard. All white Squares were filled with a Maniple of soldiers except for the last line. The triarii deployed in a straight line (still split into maniples for unit control so that they could cover the entire formation with their strength.

We are completely ignoring the velites and Equites here btw, but let's not go there even if they did include those in a standard army.

If you want to continue this discussion (preferrebly tomorrow when i'm back to my books so I can cite my own Sources) let's take it to PMs before we continue to derail this completely. The point I wanted to make was that before the 2nd Punic War forced them to change and adapt (as the first had forced the Carthagians to adapt 30 years earlier) the Roman line of battle was by no means considered exceptional. Their "technology" so to speak was at best equal to their enemies, what set them apart was their grit and will (on the part of the senate and the people). They didn't stop and ask for terms at many points during the first punic war or the samnite Wars where it seems "obvious" in hindsight that they should have. Instead they built another fleet and tried again, and again, and again until they finally won a Fleet engagement and Carthage folded immediately.




Whilst it is indeed true, Livy writes a considerable time after the events, his description of the events surrounding lake Trasimene are corroborated strongly in Polybius' account of the battle (Plb. 3.83-84) however Polybius doesnt mention any of the advisors 'knowing' they were walking into a trap, but nor does livy also makes no mention of the advisors saying anything of the sort. They suggested that he should send out Skirmishers and Horsemen to prevent Hannibal pillaging more of the farmland,

'Flaminius, even had his enemy sat still, was not the man to have sat still himself; but now, when he saw the farms of the allies being harried and pillaged almost under his own eyes, he felt it as a personal disgrace that the Phoenician should be roaming through the midst of Italy, and marching, with no one to dispute his passage, to assault the very walls of Rome. [8] In the council of war the rest were all for safe in preference to showy measures: he should wait, they said, for his colleague to come up, in order that they might unite their forces and conduct the war with a common policy and resolution; [9] meantime, he should employ his cavalry and skirmishers to check the enemy's widespread, unrestricted pillaging. [10] Enraged by this advice, Flaminius flung out of the council, and having given the signal at once for marching and for fighting, exclaimed, “Ay, truly! Let us sit still under the walls of Arretium, for here are our native city and our household gods; let Hannibal slip through our fingers and ravage Italy, and, laying waste and burning everything, march clear to Rome; and let us not move from this spot, till the Fathers, as once they summoned Camillus from Veii, shall summon Gaius Flaminius from Arretium.”' Livy. XXII, 3, 7-10.

Livy even states that the officers didnt wish to advance, because the consul had fallen from his horse, and this was inauspicious, however the rank and file soldiery advanced in high spirits emboldened by their commander (Livy, XXII, 3, 14). Noone knew they were walking into a trap, until the trap was sprung. Flamininus dies, along with 15k Roman Troops.

And as for the 3 lines being broken by a charge by cavalry, numidian especialy, is an extreme unrealism. There are no charge cavalry really present in the western Mediterranean at this time, due to the lack of stirrups, and any charge made by light cavalry against a heavy infantry shield wall would be almost disastrous. Numidian cavalry especially are not charge cavalry, they are harassing cavalry, excellent horsemen and skirmishers first. At the battle of Cannae for example they know they cannot match up to the Roman heavier horse, and so

'The Numidian horse on the Carthaginian right were meanwhile charging the cavalry on the Roman left; and though, from the peculiar nature of their mode of fighting, they neither inflicted nor received much harm, they yet rendered the enemy's horse useless by keeping them occupied, and charging them first on one side and then on another. But when Hasdrubal, after all but annihilating the cavalry by the river, came from the left to the support of the Numidians, the Roman allied cavalry, seeing his charge approaching, broke and fled.' -Plb. 3.116

To expect Numidian cavalry to break a Roman Infantry line makes me question your sources on this, however I would certainly like to see them and be proved wrong, as this isn't something I've come across in my degree so far. (Especially for this letter by Hannibal, the manipular system WAS a little inflexible and is why it was altered for the battle of Zama by Scipio, but I've never heard of a letter from Hannibal.)

Also, a legion was not 2k Hastati, 2k principes and 1 k triarii, It was in fact

'The legionary infantry is described as falling into four categories of men-velites,
hastati, principes and triarii. In the standard complement of 4,200 there would be 1,200
velites, I ,200 hastati, 1 ,200 principes and 600 triarii. The hastati were organized in 10 manipuli
of 120 men each, and so were the principes. But the 10 maniples of the triarii numbered
only 60 men in each. As for the light-armed velites, they did not have units of their own,
but were attached proportionately to the maniples of the hastati, principes and triarii
.' pp67
- Sumner, G.V. 1970, The Legion and the Centuriate Organization, The Journal of Roman Studies, Vol. 60, pp. 67-78


I will agree that the Roman army at the time was not exceptional, but I don't think we can really argue against it being a manipular system at the time in question.



I thought the Iberians fielded heavy cavalry (and that Hannibal brought them with him at Cannae)


They did indeed, however these were armed with javelins and swords, not any sort of charging spear, and thus would still have struggled to break the front of a heavy infantry formation,
' Then, by charging the Roman legions on the rear, and harassing them by hurling squadron after squadron upon them at many points at once, he raised the spirits of the Libyans, and dismayed and depressed those of the Romans.' -Plb. 3.116

the cavalry did not deliver a crushing charge as you might imagine a cataphract or a medieval knight they instead forced the Romans to keep altering their facing and slowly crushed them into a ball* where none could fight effectively (each soldier in the manipular formation had around 3 feet either side of him and behind him with which he could move to avoid hits and to fight back, when the huge numbers of infantry were compacted as at cannae they were unable to fight efficiently, and were already panicked by their being surrounded and the loss of their cavalry. Not because Iberian cavalry could hope to best heavy infantry head on.

*'As long as the Romans could keep an unbroken front, to turn first in one direction and then in another to meet the assaults of the enemy, they held out; but the outer files of the circle continually falling, and the circle becoming more and more contracted, they at last were all killed on the field' -Plb. 3.116
TSORG
Profile Joined September 2012
293 Posts
Last Edited: 2013-09-07 18:17:11
September 07 2013 18:10 GMT
#1238
On September 08 2013 02:54 xccam wrote:
Show nested quote +
On September 08 2013 02:21 TSORG wrote:
On September 08 2013 01:38 xccam wrote:
On September 08 2013 00:12 Tula wrote:
Right, Livy wrote the definite work on that period, but keep in mind that he did write nearly 300 years later (he lived as a contemporary of Augustus and is considered together with Vergil one of the writers of that "golden age". Many people cite him, whereas most others disagree based on older sources (even if those are usually fragmented at best) and that he glorifies ancient Rome while doing his best to villify the individual Generals who lost anything (the passage on Lake Trasimene reads something along the lines of "the poor advisors knew exactly that it was a trap but the headstrong flaminius ran headlong into it anyway). The point where people disagree heavily is that the "3 lines" he proposes simply put make no sense. Simply put if your formation is 3 lines deep as described above it would break apart against any concentrated cavalry charge. From the few accounts of eye witnesses we do have (notable 3 seperate greek sources from battles of the first punic war) the formations put into the field usually varied in depth according to the terrain available and also tried to adapt to the force opposing them. It would have been madness to deploy the standard lines of infantry with your hardened spears at the back against a Numidian cavalry force, but simply put we don't know what they did to deal with something like that.

Hannibal wrote a letter nearly 40 years later during his campaigns in Italy that he was suprised the Romans were so unflexible with their maniples.

What I meant by 5 lines as the ideal formation was that a full strength legion working in open field against a similar sized force would form up approximately along those lines. Out of a full 5000 men (and yes I know that including camp followers and officers a legion had around 4500 fighting men instead of 5000) you'd have 2000 hastati, 2000 principes and 1000 triarii ideally. That is an obvious oversimplification, but it was considered the ideal. If you deployed those in 3 lines by their maniples the triarii either had to be overstretched to cover the full length or they had to leave the flanks without them. Doesn't sound very practical. What they did instead was they deployed their maniples like a checkerboard. All white Squares were filled with a Maniple of soldiers except for the last line. The triarii deployed in a straight line (still split into maniples for unit control so that they could cover the entire formation with their strength.

We are completely ignoring the velites and Equites here btw, but let's not go there even if they did include those in a standard army.

If you want to continue this discussion (preferrebly tomorrow when i'm back to my books so I can cite my own Sources) let's take it to PMs before we continue to derail this completely. The point I wanted to make was that before the 2nd Punic War forced them to change and adapt (as the first had forced the Carthagians to adapt 30 years earlier) the Roman line of battle was by no means considered exceptional. Their "technology" so to speak was at best equal to their enemies, what set them apart was their grit and will (on the part of the senate and the people). They didn't stop and ask for terms at many points during the first punic war or the samnite Wars where it seems "obvious" in hindsight that they should have. Instead they built another fleet and tried again, and again, and again until they finally won a Fleet engagement and Carthage folded immediately.




Whilst it is indeed true, Livy writes a considerable time after the events, his description of the events surrounding lake Trasimene are corroborated strongly in Polybius' account of the battle (Plb. 3.83-84) however Polybius doesnt mention any of the advisors 'knowing' they were walking into a trap, but nor does livy also makes no mention of the advisors saying anything of the sort. They suggested that he should send out Skirmishers and Horsemen to prevent Hannibal pillaging more of the farmland,

'Flaminius, even had his enemy sat still, was not the man to have sat still himself; but now, when he saw the farms of the allies being harried and pillaged almost under his own eyes, he felt it as a personal disgrace that the Phoenician should be roaming through the midst of Italy, and marching, with no one to dispute his passage, to assault the very walls of Rome. [8] In the council of war the rest were all for safe in preference to showy measures: he should wait, they said, for his colleague to come up, in order that they might unite their forces and conduct the war with a common policy and resolution; [9] meantime, he should employ his cavalry and skirmishers to check the enemy's widespread, unrestricted pillaging. [10] Enraged by this advice, Flaminius flung out of the council, and having given the signal at once for marching and for fighting, exclaimed, “Ay, truly! Let us sit still under the walls of Arretium, for here are our native city and our household gods; let Hannibal slip through our fingers and ravage Italy, and, laying waste and burning everything, march clear to Rome; and let us not move from this spot, till the Fathers, as once they summoned Camillus from Veii, shall summon Gaius Flaminius from Arretium.”' Livy. XXII, 3, 7-10.

Livy even states that the officers didnt wish to advance, because the consul had fallen from his horse, and this was inauspicious, however the rank and file soldiery advanced in high spirits emboldened by their commander (Livy, XXII, 3, 14). Noone knew they were walking into a trap, until the trap was sprung. Flamininus dies, along with 15k Roman Troops.

And as for the 3 lines being broken by a charge by cavalry, numidian especialy, is an extreme unrealism. There are no charge cavalry really present in the western Mediterranean at this time, due to the lack of stirrups, and any charge made by light cavalry against a heavy infantry shield wall would be almost disastrous. Numidian cavalry especially are not charge cavalry, they are harassing cavalry, excellent horsemen and skirmishers first. At the battle of Cannae for example they know they cannot match up to the Roman heavier horse, and so

'The Numidian horse on the Carthaginian right were meanwhile charging the cavalry on the Roman left; and though, from the peculiar nature of their mode of fighting, they neither inflicted nor received much harm, they yet rendered the enemy's horse useless by keeping them occupied, and charging them first on one side and then on another. But when Hasdrubal, after all but annihilating the cavalry by the river, came from the left to the support of the Numidians, the Roman allied cavalry, seeing his charge approaching, broke and fled.' -Plb. 3.116

To expect Numidian cavalry to break a Roman Infantry line makes me question your sources on this, however I would certainly like to see them and be proved wrong, as this isn't something I've come across in my degree so far. (Especially for this letter by Hannibal, the manipular system WAS a little inflexible and is why it was altered for the battle of Zama by Scipio, but I've never heard of a letter from Hannibal.)

Also, a legion was not 2k Hastati, 2k principes and 1 k triarii, It was in fact

'The legionary infantry is described as falling into four categories of men-velites,
hastati, principes and triarii. In the standard complement of 4,200 there would be 1,200
velites, I ,200 hastati, 1 ,200 principes and 600 triarii. The hastati were organized in 10 manipuli
of 120 men each, and so were the principes. But the 10 maniples of the triarii numbered
only 60 men in each. As for the light-armed velites, they did not have units of their own,
but were attached proportionately to the maniples of the hastati, principes and triarii
.' pp67
- Sumner, G.V. 1970, The Legion and the Centuriate Organization, The Journal of Roman Studies, Vol. 60, pp. 67-78


I will agree that the Roman army at the time was not exceptional, but I don't think we can really argue against it being a manipular system at the time in question.



I thought the Iberians fielded heavy cavalry (and that Hannibal brought them with him at Cannae)


They did indeed, however these were armed with javelins and swords, not any sort of charging spear, and thus would still have struggled to break the front of a heavy infantry formation,
' Then, by charging the Roman legions on the rear, and harassing them by hurling squadron after squadron upon them at many points at once, he raised the spirits of the Libyans, and dismayed and depressed those of the Romans.' -Plb. 3.116

the cavalry did not deliver a crushing charge as you might imagine a cataphract or a medieval knight they instead forced the Romans to keep altering their facing and slowly crushed them into a ball* where none could fight effectively (each soldier in the manipular formation had around 3 feet either side of him and behind him with which he could move to avoid hits and to fight back, when the huge numbers of infantry were compacted as at cannae they were unable to fight efficiently, and were already panicked by their being surrounded and the loss of their cavalry. Not because Iberian cavalry could hope to best heavy infantry head on.

*'As long as the Romans could keep an unbroken front, to turn first in one direction and then in another to meet the assaults of the enemy, they held out; but the outer files of the circle continually falling, and the circle becoming more and more contracted, they at last were all killed on the field' -Plb. 3.116


Yes, I agree it would be unlikely that they were able to break a disciplined infantry formation, and in any case they werent used in that role. But imo the stirrup was not the reason why they didnt have heavy shock cavalry in the Western Med. The terrain wasnt really suited, they lacked the large horse breads and the martial tradition, those reasons are more important I think. I mean the persians and the macedonians fielded heavy cav, and they did not have stirrups either.

But you are right about it being unlikely that they would break an infantry formation. Though I thought very few cavalry troops were capable of doing so. That they charged infantry in general was more often than not because the quality of infantry was poor, or because their formation had been disrupted (by cavalry in the role of the numidians, or horse archers).

Don't let me get in the way of your discussion though I love ancient history but ive not studied it.
Elegy
Profile Blog Joined September 2009
United States1629 Posts
September 07 2013 18:43 GMT
#1239
On September 07 2013 21:02 aXa wrote:
Show nested quote +
On September 07 2013 18:13 Elegy wrote:
Wealth in the Germanic and Gallic provinces were insignificant in comparison to Italy, Greece, North Africa, and Egypt. The various peoples in those regions had advanced metalworking capabilities and crafted quality goods, yes, but there was little wealth to be found in lieu of slaves and trade goods. The reason the Romans never conquered the rest of Germany was because there wasn't anything there (okay, there are a million and one other reasons, but in large part taking control of more fucking forests doesn't really appeal to anyone).

Egypt alone provided more revenue to the Empire than all other provinces combined (circa 3rd century AD to be sure, but it's indicative of the wealth of the area). Carthage had some 20 times the trade revenue of Athens at its peak.


Gaul was by far one of the richest land at that time. The Gallic tribes were craftsmen, traders and farmers, they had pretty much everything, compared for example to egypt, which was mainly a giant wheat granary. When Caesar conquered Gaul, he came back with an amazing loot that allowed him to pay for his army long enough to seize the power, and that was not a small thing.


Mainly a giant wheat granary in the ancient world means food. On a subsistence economy, food is gold. Egypt and North Africa would remain the single wealthiest regions of the Empire well after the fall of the West.
aXa
Profile Blog Joined July 2010
France748 Posts
September 07 2013 18:55 GMT
#1240
On September 08 2013 03:43 Elegy wrote:
Show nested quote +
On September 07 2013 21:02 aXa wrote:
On September 07 2013 18:13 Elegy wrote:
Wealth in the Germanic and Gallic provinces were insignificant in comparison to Italy, Greece, North Africa, and Egypt. The various peoples in those regions had advanced metalworking capabilities and crafted quality goods, yes, but there was little wealth to be found in lieu of slaves and trade goods. The reason the Romans never conquered the rest of Germany was because there wasn't anything there (okay, there are a million and one other reasons, but in large part taking control of more fucking forests doesn't really appeal to anyone).

Egypt alone provided more revenue to the Empire than all other provinces combined (circa 3rd century AD to be sure, but it's indicative of the wealth of the area). Carthage had some 20 times the trade revenue of Athens at its peak.


Gaul was by far one of the richest land at that time. The Gallic tribes were craftsmen, traders and farmers, they had pretty much everything, compared for example to egypt, which was mainly a giant wheat granary. When Caesar conquered Gaul, he came back with an amazing loot that allowed him to pay for his army long enough to seize the power, and that was not a small thing.


Mainly a giant wheat granary in the ancient world means food. On a subsistence economy, food is gold. Egypt and North Africa would remain the single wealthiest regions of the Empire well after the fall of the West.


I have to somewhat disagree. You can't oversight precious metal like iron, copper, silver and gold. Spain, Gaul and the East were huge source of income for Rome, and made them incredibly powerful, despite the fact that the Latium and Italy and general is pretty low-food to start with (at that time).
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