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Now that we have a new thread, in order to ensure that this thread continues to meet TL standards and follows the proper guidelines, we will be enforcing the rules in the OP more strictly. Be sure to give them a complete and thorough read before posting! NOTE: When providing a source, please provide a very brief summary on what it's about and what purpose it adds to the discussion. The supporting statement should clearly explain why the subject is relevant and needs to be discussed. Please follow this rule especially for tweets.
Your supporting statement should always come BEFORE you provide the source.If you have any questions, comments, concern, or feedback regarding the USPMT, then please use this thread: http://www.teamliquid.net/forum/website-feedback/510156-us-politics-thread |
On September 22 2020 02:36 Nevuk wrote:Show nested quote +On September 22 2020 02:22 Mohdoo wrote:On September 22 2020 02:10 Nevuk wrote:On September 22 2020 01:58 Mohdoo wrote:On September 22 2020 01:54 Nevuk wrote:On September 22 2020 01:43 Mohdoo wrote:On September 22 2020 01:38 Nevuk wrote:On September 22 2020 01:31 Mohdoo wrote:On September 22 2020 01:23 LegalLord wrote:On September 22 2020 01:11 Mohdoo wrote: [quote]
Maybe if you confine yourself to binary analysis. Luckily we can zoom in further. Supreme court has never been ideal, but the way it is used in the last 20 years is particularly awful. This view seems very much off-base. Many of the historically worst decisions made by the Supreme Court, largely with political motivation, didn't happen in the last 20 years but within the 200 years preceding. The only way the last 20 years could seem anomalously bad is with a remarkable lack of perspective. Maybe I'm just totally ignorant. But from what I am seeing, gay marriage, daca, obamacare...etc...it is a trainwreck for this to be a supreme court thing. It feels like these are issues it is important for us to be legislating, not deferring to courts. That is what I am saying is bad. Has that been equally bad throughout history? My impression was that we used to be more willing to legislate and that this realization of "if we never actually do anything, we can't be criticized for anything we do" was a recent thing. But if not, never mind. Regardless, it is stupid and should be shot in the head, regardless of how long it has been going on. This is a direct result of the filibuster reform. It used to be possible to do without a super majority, now it requires one. The SC did some other things like it throughout history but they're notably really bad for the most part (Plessy V Ferguson). Can you clarify this? Are you saying we used to be able to legislate, but now we can't? My understanding is that the failure to legislate is a function of the unsavory aspects of elections, the idea that someone who does something ends up being judged worse than someone who just sits on the sidelines criticizing. When you write legislation, it always has pros and cons. voters don't care about pros, just cons. That is why there is still not even a hint of willingness for republicans to fix healthcare. They would deeply suffer if they tried to fix healthcare. Because of that, they just throw everything at the supreme court and then try to do anything they can to have power in the court. Controsversial legislation used to be able to pass with 50 or 51 votes, now it takes 60. So anything controversial dies, for better or worse. This is unrelated to the cultural/political reasons lawmakers don't take risks though, right? Senators being slimy and slippery doesn't seem related to the voting rules. The idea that trying to fix something often has pros and cons isn't related to 51/60. And the fact that a political rival would say "I would have fixed it, but only pros! no cons! vote for me!" and likely win for saying that, is also not related to that. To me, that is just as big of an issue. It lets them punt to the SC a lot more. Getting 1/2 +1 of the body to agree to something is a LOT easier than 2/3. Think of how many grandstanding votes we've had by both sides that they knew couldn't pass. Take a look at some of the tiebroken votes from 1945-1960 Taft amendment to H.R. 2013 (Lend-Lease Extension Act of 1945) to block the postwar delivery of Lend-Lease Act items contracted for during World War II. Amendment defeated.
April 22, 1959 Motion to table the motion to reconsider the vote on the McClellan amendment to S. 1555 (Labor Management Reporting and Disclosure Act of 1959) to add a bill of rights for union members to include guarantees of freedom of speech and periodic secret elections of officers. Yea: 46–45 Motion agreed to. A bill of rights for union workers was included in the final bill that was passed and enacted. Motion to table the motion to reconsider the vote on the Clark amendment to S. 8 (Emergency Federal Assistance for School Construction Act) to authorize $1.1 billion per year of federal funds for an indefinite period for school construction and teachers' salaries. Motion agreed to. A scaled-down version of the federal education funds passed later.
Knowland amendment to H.R. 10660 (Federal Aid Highway Act of 1956) to permit state agencies to determine prevailing wages for projects in the Interstate Highway System.[21]
All of these would have been filibustered instead today and either been unresolved or only resolved when they wound up before the SC. Thanks for the explanation. Can you clarify what exactly "allows" them to punt it to the SC means? What is the criteria that must be met for something to stop being a senate thing and start being a SC thing? Before 1974, filibusters were harder to do and harder to break if the opposition was determined, but easier if they weren't. They required actually standing and speaking and could only be broken with 2/3 of those present. After 1974, filibusters could be done with signaling of intent only and required 3/5 of all non-vacant. So the requirement became 60 for all votes, when before it was only 66 for a full session. No one cared enough about the things I listed above to stand and talk for days on end, but they were still immensely important. The only even close to successful filibusters at the time (and they still got broken) were on civil rights or for wars (we didn't have a filibuster breaking mechanism at all until arming merchant ships in ww1 was filibustered by 12 anti war senators). The other aspect is that currently 1 GOP senator can stay in washington and filibuster everything even though he only has 1 vote, but it'd take the full 60 democrats to break it. So it becomes a strategic rather than a tactical maneuver. Now, how does this result in punting to the SC? Say it's something critical. The senators, when asked about passing a bill like DACA or gay marriage or a mask mandate, say that they don't have 60 votes and refuse to even discuss it. They use it as a shield to pretend they're powerless. These then wind up before the SC because the executive then has to just make stuff up with EOs, since congress never gave input. I'd be fine with the filibuster having been nuked at the start of 2020, as it would have forced the GOP to actually do something about COVID, even if the bills were idiotic, rather than continually passing bills they knew would die. Reconciliation has been bent into a pretzel to allow for avoiding the filibuster, applying to things it should never have touched like tax cuts. It was strictly to be used for non controversial or critical budgets in its original vision. The only people in favor of the current filibuster are those who aim to legislate from the bench, like Danglars or McConnell - once they have a solid majority they'll repeal the precedent that allows the executive branch to overturn past EOs with new ones. They've already signaled their intent to do this btw, look up the headline about "Thomas , disagreeing with Thomas, cites Thomas" which was entirely about repealing it.
Reid got rid of the legislative filibuster. You only need 50+1 for basically everything since 2013.
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On September 22 2020 07:21 Erasme wrote: Can anyone listen to trump and biden, and really question biden's mental health ? Trump can't stay focused on a topic for more than 20sec, unless that topic is him obviously. Another trump paradoxe, he's against the military complex AND hes bragging about being the most military focused president ever. In 20secs.
Making a full catalogue of Trump's paradoxes is something that would require a couple of full-time employes working for a year :D
Trump makes a whole lot of incoherent statements and his promises rarely can be trusted for any longer than it took him to say them. But there is one promise I deem very important that Trump made during his first election campaign and surprisingly still has not broken: he promised to not start any US military interventions. Obviously, the US military is still involved all around the world but there have not been any new large scale interventions that only leave destruction and suffering in their wake. When one compares this to what the Bush administration did to Afghanistan and Iraq, and what the Obama administration helped cause in Libya and Syria (albeit in those two wars other parties arguably played an even more destructive role than the US), I cannot help but appreciate this (at least till now) kept promise. I don't even know far back in time one has to go to find the last US president that did not start a large scale military conflict... Maybe, Trump really is doing something against the military complex (or maybe he greases their palms in another way, but that's besides the point).
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On September 22 2020 07:57 Wegandi wrote:Show nested quote +On September 22 2020 02:36 Nevuk wrote:On September 22 2020 02:22 Mohdoo wrote:On September 22 2020 02:10 Nevuk wrote:On September 22 2020 01:58 Mohdoo wrote:On September 22 2020 01:54 Nevuk wrote:On September 22 2020 01:43 Mohdoo wrote:On September 22 2020 01:38 Nevuk wrote:On September 22 2020 01:31 Mohdoo wrote:On September 22 2020 01:23 LegalLord wrote: [quote] This view seems very much off-base. Many of the historically worst decisions made by the Supreme Court, largely with political motivation, didn't happen in the last 20 years but within the 200 years preceding. The only way the last 20 years could seem anomalously bad is with a remarkable lack of perspective. Maybe I'm just totally ignorant. But from what I am seeing, gay marriage, daca, obamacare...etc...it is a trainwreck for this to be a supreme court thing. It feels like these are issues it is important for us to be legislating, not deferring to courts. That is what I am saying is bad. Has that been equally bad throughout history? My impression was that we used to be more willing to legislate and that this realization of "if we never actually do anything, we can't be criticized for anything we do" was a recent thing. But if not, never mind. Regardless, it is stupid and should be shot in the head, regardless of how long it has been going on. This is a direct result of the filibuster reform. It used to be possible to do without a super majority, now it requires one. The SC did some other things like it throughout history but they're notably really bad for the most part (Plessy V Ferguson). Can you clarify this? Are you saying we used to be able to legislate, but now we can't? My understanding is that the failure to legislate is a function of the unsavory aspects of elections, the idea that someone who does something ends up being judged worse than someone who just sits on the sidelines criticizing. When you write legislation, it always has pros and cons. voters don't care about pros, just cons. That is why there is still not even a hint of willingness for republicans to fix healthcare. They would deeply suffer if they tried to fix healthcare. Because of that, they just throw everything at the supreme court and then try to do anything they can to have power in the court. Controsversial legislation used to be able to pass with 50 or 51 votes, now it takes 60. So anything controversial dies, for better or worse. This is unrelated to the cultural/political reasons lawmakers don't take risks though, right? Senators being slimy and slippery doesn't seem related to the voting rules. The idea that trying to fix something often has pros and cons isn't related to 51/60. And the fact that a political rival would say "I would have fixed it, but only pros! no cons! vote for me!" and likely win for saying that, is also not related to that. To me, that is just as big of an issue. It lets them punt to the SC a lot more. Getting 1/2 +1 of the body to agree to something is a LOT easier than 2/3. Think of how many grandstanding votes we've had by both sides that they knew couldn't pass. Take a look at some of the tiebroken votes from 1945-1960 Taft amendment to H.R. 2013 (Lend-Lease Extension Act of 1945) to block the postwar delivery of Lend-Lease Act items contracted for during World War II. Amendment defeated.
April 22, 1959 Motion to table the motion to reconsider the vote on the McClellan amendment to S. 1555 (Labor Management Reporting and Disclosure Act of 1959) to add a bill of rights for union members to include guarantees of freedom of speech and periodic secret elections of officers. Yea: 46–45 Motion agreed to. A bill of rights for union workers was included in the final bill that was passed and enacted. Motion to table the motion to reconsider the vote on the Clark amendment to S. 8 (Emergency Federal Assistance for School Construction Act) to authorize $1.1 billion per year of federal funds for an indefinite period for school construction and teachers' salaries. Motion agreed to. A scaled-down version of the federal education funds passed later.
Knowland amendment to H.R. 10660 (Federal Aid Highway Act of 1956) to permit state agencies to determine prevailing wages for projects in the Interstate Highway System.[21]
All of these would have been filibustered instead today and either been unresolved or only resolved when they wound up before the SC. Thanks for the explanation. Can you clarify what exactly "allows" them to punt it to the SC means? What is the criteria that must be met for something to stop being a senate thing and start being a SC thing? Before 1974, filibusters were harder to do and harder to break if the opposition was determined, but easier if they weren't. They required actually standing and speaking and could only be broken with 2/3 of those present. After 1974, filibusters could be done with signaling of intent only and required 3/5 of all non-vacant. So the requirement became 60 for all votes, when before it was only 66 for a full session. No one cared enough about the things I listed above to stand and talk for days on end, but they were still immensely important. The only even close to successful filibusters at the time (and they still got broken) were on civil rights or for wars (we didn't have a filibuster breaking mechanism at all until arming merchant ships in ww1 was filibustered by 12 anti war senators). The other aspect is that currently 1 GOP senator can stay in washington and filibuster everything even though he only has 1 vote, but it'd take the full 60 democrats to break it. So it becomes a strategic rather than a tactical maneuver. Now, how does this result in punting to the SC? Say it's something critical. The senators, when asked about passing a bill like DACA or gay marriage or a mask mandate, say that they don't have 60 votes and refuse to even discuss it. They use it as a shield to pretend they're powerless. These then wind up before the SC because the executive then has to just make stuff up with EOs, since congress never gave input. I'd be fine with the filibuster having been nuked at the start of 2020, as it would have forced the GOP to actually do something about COVID, even if the bills were idiotic, rather than continually passing bills they knew would die. Reconciliation has been bent into a pretzel to allow for avoiding the filibuster, applying to things it should never have touched like tax cuts. It was strictly to be used for non controversial or critical budgets in its original vision. The only people in favor of the current filibuster are those who aim to legislate from the bench, like Danglars or McConnell - once they have a solid majority they'll repeal the precedent that allows the executive branch to overturn past EOs with new ones. They've already signaled their intent to do this btw, look up the headline about "Thomas , disagreeing with Thomas, cites Thomas" which was entirely about repealing it. Reid got rid of the legislative filibuster. You only need 50+1 for basically everything since 2013. I mean, he started the chain of events that *will probably* get rid of the legislative filibuster. But right now, it's only judicial nominees.
Democrats just filibustered the Republican $500 billion coronavirus relief bill this month in a 52-47 vote (8 short).
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On September 22 2020 08:11 Danglars wrote:Show nested quote +On September 22 2020 07:57 Wegandi wrote:On September 22 2020 02:36 Nevuk wrote:On September 22 2020 02:22 Mohdoo wrote:On September 22 2020 02:10 Nevuk wrote:On September 22 2020 01:58 Mohdoo wrote:On September 22 2020 01:54 Nevuk wrote:On September 22 2020 01:43 Mohdoo wrote:On September 22 2020 01:38 Nevuk wrote:On September 22 2020 01:31 Mohdoo wrote: [quote]
Maybe I'm just totally ignorant. But from what I am seeing, gay marriage, daca, obamacare...etc...it is a trainwreck for this to be a supreme court thing. It feels like these are issues it is important for us to be legislating, not deferring to courts. That is what I am saying is bad. Has that been equally bad throughout history? My impression was that we used to be more willing to legislate and that this realization of "if we never actually do anything, we can't be criticized for anything we do" was a recent thing. But if not, never mind.
Regardless, it is stupid and should be shot in the head, regardless of how long it has been going on. This is a direct result of the filibuster reform. It used to be possible to do without a super majority, now it requires one. The SC did some other things like it throughout history but they're notably really bad for the most part (Plessy V Ferguson). Can you clarify this? Are you saying we used to be able to legislate, but now we can't? My understanding is that the failure to legislate is a function of the unsavory aspects of elections, the idea that someone who does something ends up being judged worse than someone who just sits on the sidelines criticizing. When you write legislation, it always has pros and cons. voters don't care about pros, just cons. That is why there is still not even a hint of willingness for republicans to fix healthcare. They would deeply suffer if they tried to fix healthcare. Because of that, they just throw everything at the supreme court and then try to do anything they can to have power in the court. Controsversial legislation used to be able to pass with 50 or 51 votes, now it takes 60. So anything controversial dies, for better or worse. This is unrelated to the cultural/political reasons lawmakers don't take risks though, right? Senators being slimy and slippery doesn't seem related to the voting rules. The idea that trying to fix something often has pros and cons isn't related to 51/60. And the fact that a political rival would say "I would have fixed it, but only pros! no cons! vote for me!" and likely win for saying that, is also not related to that. To me, that is just as big of an issue. It lets them punt to the SC a lot more. Getting 1/2 +1 of the body to agree to something is a LOT easier than 2/3. Think of how many grandstanding votes we've had by both sides that they knew couldn't pass. Take a look at some of the tiebroken votes from 1945-1960 Taft amendment to H.R. 2013 (Lend-Lease Extension Act of 1945) to block the postwar delivery of Lend-Lease Act items contracted for during World War II. Amendment defeated.
April 22, 1959 Motion to table the motion to reconsider the vote on the McClellan amendment to S. 1555 (Labor Management Reporting and Disclosure Act of 1959) to add a bill of rights for union members to include guarantees of freedom of speech and periodic secret elections of officers. Yea: 46–45 Motion agreed to. A bill of rights for union workers was included in the final bill that was passed and enacted. Motion to table the motion to reconsider the vote on the Clark amendment to S. 8 (Emergency Federal Assistance for School Construction Act) to authorize $1.1 billion per year of federal funds for an indefinite period for school construction and teachers' salaries. Motion agreed to. A scaled-down version of the federal education funds passed later.
Knowland amendment to H.R. 10660 (Federal Aid Highway Act of 1956) to permit state agencies to determine prevailing wages for projects in the Interstate Highway System.[21]
All of these would have been filibustered instead today and either been unresolved or only resolved when they wound up before the SC. Thanks for the explanation. Can you clarify what exactly "allows" them to punt it to the SC means? What is the criteria that must be met for something to stop being a senate thing and start being a SC thing? Before 1974, filibusters were harder to do and harder to break if the opposition was determined, but easier if they weren't. They required actually standing and speaking and could only be broken with 2/3 of those present. After 1974, filibusters could be done with signaling of intent only and required 3/5 of all non-vacant. So the requirement became 60 for all votes, when before it was only 66 for a full session. No one cared enough about the things I listed above to stand and talk for days on end, but they were still immensely important. The only even close to successful filibusters at the time (and they still got broken) were on civil rights or for wars (we didn't have a filibuster breaking mechanism at all until arming merchant ships in ww1 was filibustered by 12 anti war senators). The other aspect is that currently 1 GOP senator can stay in washington and filibuster everything even though he only has 1 vote, but it'd take the full 60 democrats to break it. So it becomes a strategic rather than a tactical maneuver. Now, how does this result in punting to the SC? Say it's something critical. The senators, when asked about passing a bill like DACA or gay marriage or a mask mandate, say that they don't have 60 votes and refuse to even discuss it. They use it as a shield to pretend they're powerless. These then wind up before the SC because the executive then has to just make stuff up with EOs, since congress never gave input. I'd be fine with the filibuster having been nuked at the start of 2020, as it would have forced the GOP to actually do something about COVID, even if the bills were idiotic, rather than continually passing bills they knew would die. Reconciliation has been bent into a pretzel to allow for avoiding the filibuster, applying to things it should never have touched like tax cuts. It was strictly to be used for non controversial or critical budgets in its original vision. The only people in favor of the current filibuster are those who aim to legislate from the bench, like Danglars or McConnell - once they have a solid majority they'll repeal the precedent that allows the executive branch to overturn past EOs with new ones. They've already signaled their intent to do this btw, look up the headline about "Thomas , disagreeing with Thomas, cites Thomas" which was entirely about repealing it. Reid got rid of the legislative filibuster. You only need 50+1 for basically everything since 2013. I mean, he started the chain of events that *will probably* get rid of the legislative filibuster. But right now, it's only judicial nominees. Democrats just filibustered the Republican $500 billion coronavirus relief bill this month in a 52-47 vote (8 short).
My bad, my recollection was that it was for both.
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On September 22 2020 07:57 Wegandi wrote:Show nested quote +On September 22 2020 02:36 Nevuk wrote:On September 22 2020 02:22 Mohdoo wrote:On September 22 2020 02:10 Nevuk wrote:On September 22 2020 01:58 Mohdoo wrote:On September 22 2020 01:54 Nevuk wrote:On September 22 2020 01:43 Mohdoo wrote:On September 22 2020 01:38 Nevuk wrote:On September 22 2020 01:31 Mohdoo wrote:On September 22 2020 01:23 LegalLord wrote: [quote] This view seems very much off-base. Many of the historically worst decisions made by the Supreme Court, largely with political motivation, didn't happen in the last 20 years but within the 200 years preceding. The only way the last 20 years could seem anomalously bad is with a remarkable lack of perspective. Maybe I'm just totally ignorant. But from what I am seeing, gay marriage, daca, obamacare...etc...it is a trainwreck for this to be a supreme court thing. It feels like these are issues it is important for us to be legislating, not deferring to courts. That is what I am saying is bad. Has that been equally bad throughout history? My impression was that we used to be more willing to legislate and that this realization of "if we never actually do anything, we can't be criticized for anything we do" was a recent thing. But if not, never mind. Regardless, it is stupid and should be shot in the head, regardless of how long it has been going on. This is a direct result of the filibuster reform. It used to be possible to do without a super majority, now it requires one. The SC did some other things like it throughout history but they're notably really bad for the most part (Plessy V Ferguson). Can you clarify this? Are you saying we used to be able to legislate, but now we can't? My understanding is that the failure to legislate is a function of the unsavory aspects of elections, the idea that someone who does something ends up being judged worse than someone who just sits on the sidelines criticizing. When you write legislation, it always has pros and cons. voters don't care about pros, just cons. That is why there is still not even a hint of willingness for republicans to fix healthcare. They would deeply suffer if they tried to fix healthcare. Because of that, they just throw everything at the supreme court and then try to do anything they can to have power in the court. Controsversial legislation used to be able to pass with 50 or 51 votes, now it takes 60. So anything controversial dies, for better or worse. This is unrelated to the cultural/political reasons lawmakers don't take risks though, right? Senators being slimy and slippery doesn't seem related to the voting rules. The idea that trying to fix something often has pros and cons isn't related to 51/60. And the fact that a political rival would say "I would have fixed it, but only pros! no cons! vote for me!" and likely win for saying that, is also not related to that. To me, that is just as big of an issue. It lets them punt to the SC a lot more. Getting 1/2 +1 of the body to agree to something is a LOT easier than 2/3. Think of how many grandstanding votes we've had by both sides that they knew couldn't pass. Take a look at some of the tiebroken votes from 1945-1960 Taft amendment to H.R. 2013 (Lend-Lease Extension Act of 1945) to block the postwar delivery of Lend-Lease Act items contracted for during World War II. Amendment defeated.
April 22, 1959 Motion to table the motion to reconsider the vote on the McClellan amendment to S. 1555 (Labor Management Reporting and Disclosure Act of 1959) to add a bill of rights for union members to include guarantees of freedom of speech and periodic secret elections of officers. Yea: 46–45 Motion agreed to. A bill of rights for union workers was included in the final bill that was passed and enacted. Motion to table the motion to reconsider the vote on the Clark amendment to S. 8 (Emergency Federal Assistance for School Construction Act) to authorize $1.1 billion per year of federal funds for an indefinite period for school construction and teachers' salaries. Motion agreed to. A scaled-down version of the federal education funds passed later.
Knowland amendment to H.R. 10660 (Federal Aid Highway Act of 1956) to permit state agencies to determine prevailing wages for projects in the Interstate Highway System.[21]
All of these would have been filibustered instead today and either been unresolved or only resolved when they wound up before the SC. Thanks for the explanation. Can you clarify what exactly "allows" them to punt it to the SC means? What is the criteria that must be met for something to stop being a senate thing and start being a SC thing? Before 1974, filibusters were harder to do and harder to break if the opposition was determined, but easier if they weren't. They required actually standing and speaking and could only be broken with 2/3 of those present. After 1974, filibusters could be done with signaling of intent only and required 3/5 of all non-vacant. So the requirement became 60 for all votes, when before it was only 66 for a full session. No one cared enough about the things I listed above to stand and talk for days on end, but they were still immensely important. The only even close to successful filibusters at the time (and they still got broken) were on civil rights or for wars (we didn't have a filibuster breaking mechanism at all until arming merchant ships in ww1 was filibustered by 12 anti war senators). The other aspect is that currently 1 GOP senator can stay in washington and filibuster everything even though he only has 1 vote, but it'd take the full 60 democrats to break it. So it becomes a strategic rather than a tactical maneuver. Now, how does this result in punting to the SC? Say it's something critical. The senators, when asked about passing a bill like DACA or gay marriage or a mask mandate, say that they don't have 60 votes and refuse to even discuss it. They use it as a shield to pretend they're powerless. These then wind up before the SC because the executive then has to just make stuff up with EOs, since congress never gave input. I'd be fine with the filibuster having been nuked at the start of 2020, as it would have forced the GOP to actually do something about COVID, even if the bills were idiotic, rather than continually passing bills they knew would die. Reconciliation has been bent into a pretzel to allow for avoiding the filibuster, applying to things it should never have touched like tax cuts. It was strictly to be used for non controversial or critical budgets in its original vision. The only people in favor of the current filibuster are those who aim to legislate from the bench, like Danglars or McConnell - once they have a solid majority they'll repeal the precedent that allows the executive branch to overturn past EOs with new ones. They've already signaled their intent to do this btw, look up the headline about "Thomas , disagreeing with Thomas, cites Thomas" which was entirely about repealing it. Reid got rid of the legislative filibuster. You only need 50+1 for basically everything since 2013. No, he didn't. It can be satisfactorily argued that what he did made that inevitable, but he definitely didn't actually do that, or the ACA would've been repealed, among many other things like a border wall being fully funded, and there would never have been any shutdowns in Trump's term.
McConnell is probably more to blame than Reid specifically (though neither are blameless), but the 1974 filibuster reform was structured so shittily that it made it inevitable eventually.
Reid nuked the appointment filibuster for executive branch officers and some judicial offices, which made it inevitable that it would get nuked for all other appointments.
McConnell nuking the filibuster for all judicial appointments, I'm starting to be convinced, would have happened regardless of Reid's actions. edit : (just saw Wegandi acknowledge this was wrong, above can be disregarded
However, I will say on this:
On September 22 2020 07:52 Wegandi wrote:Show nested quote +On September 22 2020 01:43 Mohdoo wrote:On September 22 2020 01:38 Nevuk wrote:On September 22 2020 01:31 Mohdoo wrote:On September 22 2020 01:23 LegalLord wrote:On September 22 2020 01:11 Mohdoo wrote:On September 22 2020 00:55 GreenHorizons wrote: I don't know what supreme court mythology you guys read but it was always political/partisan and far from an institution of decency. Maybe if you confine yourself to binary analysis. Luckily we can zoom in further. Supreme court has never been ideal, but the way it is used in the last 20 years is particularly awful. This view seems very much off-base. Many of the historically worst decisions made by the Supreme Court, largely with political motivation, didn't happen in the last 20 years but within the 200 years preceding. The only way the last 20 years could seem anomalously bad is with a remarkable lack of perspective. Maybe I'm just totally ignorant. But from what I am seeing, gay marriage, daca, obamacare...etc...it is a trainwreck for this to be a supreme court thing. It feels like these are issues it is important for us to be legislating, not deferring to courts. That is what I am saying is bad. Has that been equally bad throughout history? My impression was that we used to be more willing to legislate and that this realization of "if we never actually do anything, we can't be criticized for anything we do" was a recent thing. But if not, never mind. Regardless, it is stupid and should be shot in the head, regardless of how long it has been going on. This is a direct result of the filibuster reform. It used to be possible to do without a super majority, now it requires one. The SC did some other things like it throughout history but they're notably really bad for the most part (Plessy V Ferguson). Can you clarify this? Are you saying we used to be able to legislate, but now we can't? My understanding is that the failure to legislate is a function of the unsavory aspects of elections, the idea that someone who does something ends up being judged worse than someone who just sits on the sidelines criticizing. When you write legislation, it always has pros and cons. voters don't care about pros, just cons. That is why there is still not even a hint of willingness for republicans to fix healthcare. They would deeply suffer if they tried to fix healthcare. Because of that, they just throw everything at the supreme court and then try to do anything they can to have power in the court. Huh, maybe direct democracy is a poor idea, and the 17th Amendment was a train wreck that should be abolished. I actually agree with this. The senate is not a chamber that was designed for people trying to win popularity contests with the average person. The initial design, politicians being elected by politicians who were unanswerable to any specific voters, makes its bizarre structures and traditions a lot more sensible.
On September 22 2020 07:50 iamthedave wrote:Show nested quote +On September 22 2020 07:37 Gorsameth wrote:On September 22 2020 07:34 Nouar wrote:On September 22 2020 07:19 LegalLord wrote: Anyone following the stimulus talks? They seem to have stalled in light of the new, more exciting judicial appointments opportunity. I did find the following interesting snippet from the middle of the talks, a Biden statement very much encouraging spending a whole lot of money here:
Evidently there are others who feel it's time to start worrying about the debt that can't be repaid for once. Interesting timing to have such concerns, but it's a damn sight better than yet another slush fund masquerading as coronavirus relief. There's also the govt shutdown incoming on October 1st because McConnell declining to take the stopgap bill from the House because it doesn't include 30bn that Trump wants for farmers to fuel his trade war with China ? Yeah, somewhat. a shutdown a bit over a month before the election, during a pandemic. Because why not. I expect McConnell to cave on that, Republicans are not in a position where they can afford to take the heat from a shutdown. Will they take the heat though? And does it matter? I seem to recall the last couple of shutdowns having almost no effect electorally. Yes, it would matter. I suspect they would take the heat since they have majorities. Shutdowns don't have electoral effects because people forget about them - they tend to make the side blamed for enacting them wildly unpopular for the period where it happens and a few weeks afterwards. This is why spring shutdowns never matter.
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The filibuster was rediculous as it could in theory halt all legislation. The argument that it was good to make the minority voice heard i can understand somewhat though. In the usa 1 party has the majority,per definition because its a 2 party system. It sort of is a democratic dictatorship where the people can vote once every 4 years which party holds all the power. Somewhat balanced by the house and the senate but in the end it is what it comes down to. The way out of this would be a system with a minimum of 3 credible and electable parties,this would force compromise and make sure the minority voice is beeing heard.
The winner takes it all,its embedded in every aspect of america and also in politics. I guess it fits the culture and the people seem to be happy with it so maybe there isnt much reason to change it. It is one of the main causes for the polarization in america in general. Its either one side or the other,there is no middle ground and compromise. Its an effective system in some aspects i can see that,its easier to get things done. But it also has its drawbacks,the polarization it does create. Maybe this is what america needs to function and maybe it could not function in a way that europe,which heavily depends on compromises,functions.
Still i wonder,how come after all those years a truly progressive party still hasnt made its way into mainstream american politics. Its not by the lack of potential support because the widespread support for sanders did show that there is potential for such an agenda. Not to be a majority or even close to that,but to get at least 10% of the support. And 10% support is all it takes,it would prevent a 50% majority for either the democrats and the republicans and force compromises. Though i guess this alone would not be enough,the president holds a lot of power himself. Again,easier to get things done so i can see the argument in favor. But as said,it does have considerable drawbacks.
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On September 22 2020 08:18 pmh wrote: The filibuster was rediculous as it could in theory halt all legislation. The argument that it was good to make the minority voice heard i can understand somewhat though. In the usa 1 party has the majority,per definition because its a 2 party system. It sort of is a democratic dictatorship where the people can vote once every 4 years which party holds all the power. Somewhat balanced by the house and the senate but in the end it is what it comes down to. The way out of this would be a system with a minimum of 3 credible and electable parties,this would force compromise and make sure the minority voice is beeing heard.
The winner takes it all,its embedded in every aspect of america and also in politics. I guess it fits the culture and the people seem to be happy with it so maybe there isnt much reason to change it. It is one of the main causes for the polarization in america in general. Its either one side or the other,there is no middle ground and compromise. Its an effective system in some aspects i can see that,its easier to get things done. But it also has its drawbacks,the polarization it does create. Maybe this is what america needs to function and maybe it could not function in a way that europe,which heavily depends on compromises,functions.
Still i wonder,how come after all those years a truly progressive party still hasnt made its way into mainstream american politics. Its not by the lack of potential support because the widespread support for sanders did show that there is potential for such an agenda. Not to be a majority or even close to that,but to get at least 10% of the support. And 10% support is all it takes,it would prevent a 50% majority for either the democrats and the republicans and force compromises. Though i guess this alone would not be enough,the president holds a lot of power himself. Again,easier to get things done so i can see the argument in favor. But as said,it does have considerable drawbacks.
You're wondering why socialists haven't made its way into the mainstream in a country founded on liberal ideas where those ideas are still quite strong among a large part of the electorate? I'm honestly, shocked. Really shocked. Granted, the Government education centers have created a lot more of those progressive folks in the last 20 years.
We also had a Progressive Era in the early 20th Century that gave us a shit ton of awful laws and Constitutional amendments. Stuff like the income tax, the 17th Amendment, Wilsonian Foreign Policy, Anti-Trust poo (Read Gabriel Kolko's work on the matter, competition plummeted during the Progressive Era giving rise to the Corporate monoliths of today), prohibition which segued into Drug War, Federal Reserve system, etc.
There was a big backlash to the Progressive Era and FDR which is why Republicans have had the power they've had in the post-war period (45-Present).
Kolko, in particular, broke new ground with his critical history of the Progressive Era. He suggested that free enterprise and competition were vibrant and expanding during the first two decades of the 20th century; thereafter, however, "the corporate elite—the House of Morgan, for example—turned to government intervention when it realized in the waning 19th century that competition was too unruly to guarantee market share."[19] This behavior is known as corporatism, but Kolko dubbed it political capitalism, "the merger of the economic and political structures on behalf of the greater interests of capitalism".[20] Kolko's thesis "that businessmen favored government regulation because they feared competition and desired to forge a government–business coalition" is one that is echoed by many observers today.[18] Former Harvard professor Paul H. Weaver uncovered the same inefficient and bureaucratic behavior from corporations during his stint at Ford Motor Corporation.[21] Free market economist Murray Rothbard thought highly of Kolko's work on the history of relations between big business and government.[22] As one profile, published in The American Conservative, put it:
For Gabriel Kolko, the enemy has always been what sociologist Max Weber called "political capitalism"—that is, "the accumulation of private capital and fortunes via booty connected with politics." In Kolko's eyes, "America's capacity and readiness to intervene virtually anywhere" pose a grave danger both to the U.S. and the world. Kolko has made it his mission to study the historical roots of how this propensity for intervention came to be. He was also one of the first historians to take on the regulatory state in a serious way. Kolko's landmark work, The Triumph of Conservatism, is an attempt to link the Progressive Era policies of Theodore Roosevelt to the national-security state left behind in the wake of his cousin Franklin's presidency. Kolko's indictment of what he calls "conservatism" is not aimed at the Southern Agrarianism of Richard Weaver or the Old Right individualism of Albert Jay Nock. In fact, Kolko's thesis—that big government and big business consistently colluded to regulate small American artisans and farmers out of existence—has much in common with libertarian and traditionalist critiques of the corporatist state. The "national progressivism" that Kolko attacks was, in his own words, "the defense of business against the democratic ferment that was nascent in the states." Coming of age in the '50s and '60s, Kolko saw firsthand the destruction of the "permanent things" as the result of the merging of Washington, D.C. and Wall Street. A sense of place and rootedness lingers just beneath the surface of his work.
his was a thesis that disputed the "widely held view that government regulates business, arguing that instead, business steers government"[9] and Kolko used it to analyze how America's social, economic, and political life was shaped beginning with the Progressive Era (1900-1920). But for Kolko, a social policy of "corporate liberalism" (or what Kolko preferred to call "political capitalism") shaped the mainstream agenda of all that was to follow afterwards in American society, from The New Deal (1930s) through to the post-World War II era of the Cold War (1947-1962), and onwards. Kolko's argument that public policy was shaped by "corporate control of the liberal agenda" (rather than the liberal control of the corporate agenda), revised the old Progressive Era historiography of the "interests" versus the "people," which was now to be reinterpreted as a collaboration of "interests" and "people." So too, with this revised version of recent American history, came the tacit recognition that this fulfilled the business community's unspoken, but deliberate, aim of stabilizing competition in the "free market."[15]
This was an idea summarized by journalist and internet columnist Charles Burris when he argued that: Rather than "the people" being behind these "progressive reforms," it was the very elite business interests themselves responsible, in an attempt to cartelize, centralize and control what was impossible due to the dynamics of a competitive and decentralized economy.
If Progressives ever get a majority of power in the Government again they'll exacerbate the conditions they loathe. Corporate interests want large unwieldly regulatory schemes. They love the CFR. Insurance companies adored the ACA.
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On September 22 2020 07:21 Erasme wrote: Can anyone listen to trump and biden, and really question biden's mental health ? Trump can't stay focused on a topic for more than 20sec, unless that topic is him obviously. Another trump paradoxe, he's against the military complex AND hes bragging about being the most military focused president ever. In 20secs.
Trump's certainly got plenty of problems (his questionable mental acuity among them) but I've watched Biden over the years and there's been a noticeable decline even Andrea Mitchel noticed in the primary. People can go back and watch him in the 80's, 90's 2000's and 2010's and it is just plainly visible.
I mean he's sorta like a professional singer or boxer in that even off his prime/in senescence his acuity is still better than someone like Trump though.
Pretending Biden hasn't clearly been fading for years just looks like Democrats borrowing a page of Republican dear leader delusions imo.
Still i wonder,how come after all those years a truly progressive party still hasnt made its way into mainstream american politics.
Democrats would be the ostensible allies of such a party and (as I've been pointing out) they literally oppose it.
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On September 22 2020 07:52 Wegandi wrote:Show nested quote +On September 22 2020 01:43 Mohdoo wrote:On September 22 2020 01:38 Nevuk wrote:On September 22 2020 01:31 Mohdoo wrote:On September 22 2020 01:23 LegalLord wrote:On September 22 2020 01:11 Mohdoo wrote:On September 22 2020 00:55 GreenHorizons wrote: I don't know what supreme court mythology you guys read but it was always political/partisan and far from an institution of decency. Maybe if you confine yourself to binary analysis. Luckily we can zoom in further. Supreme court has never been ideal, but the way it is used in the last 20 years is particularly awful. This view seems very much off-base. Many of the historically worst decisions made by the Supreme Court, largely with political motivation, didn't happen in the last 20 years but within the 200 years preceding. The only way the last 20 years could seem anomalously bad is with a remarkable lack of perspective. Maybe I'm just totally ignorant. But from what I am seeing, gay marriage, daca, obamacare...etc...it is a trainwreck for this to be a supreme court thing. It feels like these are issues it is important for us to be legislating, not deferring to courts. That is what I am saying is bad. Has that been equally bad throughout history? My impression was that we used to be more willing to legislate and that this realization of "if we never actually do anything, we can't be criticized for anything we do" was a recent thing. But if not, never mind. Regardless, it is stupid and should be shot in the head, regardless of how long it has been going on. This is a direct result of the filibuster reform. It used to be possible to do without a super majority, now it requires one. The SC did some other things like it throughout history but they're notably really bad for the most part (Plessy V Ferguson). Can you clarify this? Are you saying we used to be able to legislate, but now we can't? My understanding is that the failure to legislate is a function of the unsavory aspects of elections, the idea that someone who does something ends up being judged worse than someone who just sits on the sidelines criticizing. When you write legislation, it always has pros and cons. voters don't care about pros, just cons. That is why there is still not even a hint of willingness for republicans to fix healthcare. They would deeply suffer if they tried to fix healthcare. Because of that, they just throw everything at the supreme court and then try to do anything they can to have power in the court. Huh, maybe direct democracy is a poor idea, and the 17th Amendment was a train wreck that should be abolished.
Why do you respond like this? If I am clearly making an effort to engage with you and have a real conversation, what makes you say "I know, I'll just be rude and dismissive"?
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On September 22 2020 09:39 Mohdoo wrote:Show nested quote +On September 22 2020 07:52 Wegandi wrote:On September 22 2020 01:43 Mohdoo wrote:On September 22 2020 01:38 Nevuk wrote:On September 22 2020 01:31 Mohdoo wrote:On September 22 2020 01:23 LegalLord wrote:On September 22 2020 01:11 Mohdoo wrote:On September 22 2020 00:55 GreenHorizons wrote: I don't know what supreme court mythology you guys read but it was always political/partisan and far from an institution of decency. Maybe if you confine yourself to binary analysis. Luckily we can zoom in further. Supreme court has never been ideal, but the way it is used in the last 20 years is particularly awful. This view seems very much off-base. Many of the historically worst decisions made by the Supreme Court, largely with political motivation, didn't happen in the last 20 years but within the 200 years preceding. The only way the last 20 years could seem anomalously bad is with a remarkable lack of perspective. Maybe I'm just totally ignorant. But from what I am seeing, gay marriage, daca, obamacare...etc...it is a trainwreck for this to be a supreme court thing. It feels like these are issues it is important for us to be legislating, not deferring to courts. That is what I am saying is bad. Has that been equally bad throughout history? My impression was that we used to be more willing to legislate and that this realization of "if we never actually do anything, we can't be criticized for anything we do" was a recent thing. But if not, never mind. Regardless, it is stupid and should be shot in the head, regardless of how long it has been going on. This is a direct result of the filibuster reform. It used to be possible to do without a super majority, now it requires one. The SC did some other things like it throughout history but they're notably really bad for the most part (Plessy V Ferguson). Can you clarify this? Are you saying we used to be able to legislate, but now we can't? My understanding is that the failure to legislate is a function of the unsavory aspects of elections, the idea that someone who does something ends up being judged worse than someone who just sits on the sidelines criticizing. When you write legislation, it always has pros and cons. voters don't care about pros, just cons. That is why there is still not even a hint of willingness for republicans to fix healthcare. They would deeply suffer if they tried to fix healthcare. Because of that, they just throw everything at the supreme court and then try to do anything they can to have power in the court. Huh, maybe direct democracy is a poor idea, and the 17th Amendment was a train wreck that should be abolished. Why do you respond like this? If I am clearly making an effort to engage with you and have a real conversation, what makes you say "I know, I'll just be rude and dismissive"?
What part of my response was rude and dismissive? You mentioned that politicians don't do X because of electoral pressure, so I brought up the disastrous 17th Amendment (something that "your" side has high support for hence my huh). You can take it however you want.
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On September 22 2020 09:47 Wegandi wrote:Show nested quote +On September 22 2020 09:39 Mohdoo wrote:On September 22 2020 07:52 Wegandi wrote:On September 22 2020 01:43 Mohdoo wrote:On September 22 2020 01:38 Nevuk wrote:On September 22 2020 01:31 Mohdoo wrote:On September 22 2020 01:23 LegalLord wrote:On September 22 2020 01:11 Mohdoo wrote:On September 22 2020 00:55 GreenHorizons wrote: I don't know what supreme court mythology you guys read but it was always political/partisan and far from an institution of decency. Maybe if you confine yourself to binary analysis. Luckily we can zoom in further. Supreme court has never been ideal, but the way it is used in the last 20 years is particularly awful. This view seems very much off-base. Many of the historically worst decisions made by the Supreme Court, largely with political motivation, didn't happen in the last 20 years but within the 200 years preceding. The only way the last 20 years could seem anomalously bad is with a remarkable lack of perspective. Maybe I'm just totally ignorant. But from what I am seeing, gay marriage, daca, obamacare...etc...it is a trainwreck for this to be a supreme court thing. It feels like these are issues it is important for us to be legislating, not deferring to courts. That is what I am saying is bad. Has that been equally bad throughout history? My impression was that we used to be more willing to legislate and that this realization of "if we never actually do anything, we can't be criticized for anything we do" was a recent thing. But if not, never mind. Regardless, it is stupid and should be shot in the head, regardless of how long it has been going on. This is a direct result of the filibuster reform. It used to be possible to do without a super majority, now it requires one. The SC did some other things like it throughout history but they're notably really bad for the most part (Plessy V Ferguson). Can you clarify this? Are you saying we used to be able to legislate, but now we can't? My understanding is that the failure to legislate is a function of the unsavory aspects of elections, the idea that someone who does something ends up being judged worse than someone who just sits on the sidelines criticizing. When you write legislation, it always has pros and cons. voters don't care about pros, just cons. That is why there is still not even a hint of willingness for republicans to fix healthcare. They would deeply suffer if they tried to fix healthcare. Because of that, they just throw everything at the supreme court and then try to do anything they can to have power in the court. Huh, maybe direct democracy is a poor idea, and the 17th Amendment was a train wreck that should be abolished. Why do you respond like this? If I am clearly making an effort to engage with you and have a real conversation, what makes you say "I know, I'll just be rude and dismissive"? What part of my response was rude and dismissive? You mentioned that politicians don't do X because of electoral pressure, so I brought up the disastrous 17th Amendment (something that "your" side has high support for hence my huh). You can take it however you want. I don’t pretend you think drivers licenses are a violation of personal freedom just because you’re a libertarian. We can engage with each other and have a conversation without painting each other as parodies of our party affiliation. I don’t think you think I’m saying we should abolish the 17th amendment.
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On September 22 2020 10:00 Mohdoo wrote:Show nested quote +On September 22 2020 09:47 Wegandi wrote:On September 22 2020 09:39 Mohdoo wrote:On September 22 2020 07:52 Wegandi wrote:On September 22 2020 01:43 Mohdoo wrote:On September 22 2020 01:38 Nevuk wrote:On September 22 2020 01:31 Mohdoo wrote:On September 22 2020 01:23 LegalLord wrote:On September 22 2020 01:11 Mohdoo wrote:On September 22 2020 00:55 GreenHorizons wrote: I don't know what supreme court mythology you guys read but it was always political/partisan and far from an institution of decency. Maybe if you confine yourself to binary analysis. Luckily we can zoom in further. Supreme court has never been ideal, but the way it is used in the last 20 years is particularly awful. This view seems very much off-base. Many of the historically worst decisions made by the Supreme Court, largely with political motivation, didn't happen in the last 20 years but within the 200 years preceding. The only way the last 20 years could seem anomalously bad is with a remarkable lack of perspective. Maybe I'm just totally ignorant. But from what I am seeing, gay marriage, daca, obamacare...etc...it is a trainwreck for this to be a supreme court thing. It feels like these are issues it is important for us to be legislating, not deferring to courts. That is what I am saying is bad. Has that been equally bad throughout history? My impression was that we used to be more willing to legislate and that this realization of "if we never actually do anything, we can't be criticized for anything we do" was a recent thing. But if not, never mind. Regardless, it is stupid and should be shot in the head, regardless of how long it has been going on. This is a direct result of the filibuster reform. It used to be possible to do without a super majority, now it requires one. The SC did some other things like it throughout history but they're notably really bad for the most part (Plessy V Ferguson). Can you clarify this? Are you saying we used to be able to legislate, but now we can't? My understanding is that the failure to legislate is a function of the unsavory aspects of elections, the idea that someone who does something ends up being judged worse than someone who just sits on the sidelines criticizing. When you write legislation, it always has pros and cons. voters don't care about pros, just cons. That is why there is still not even a hint of willingness for republicans to fix healthcare. They would deeply suffer if they tried to fix healthcare. Because of that, they just throw everything at the supreme court and then try to do anything they can to have power in the court. Huh, maybe direct democracy is a poor idea, and the 17th Amendment was a train wreck that should be abolished. Why do you respond like this? If I am clearly making an effort to engage with you and have a real conversation, what makes you say "I know, I'll just be rude and dismissive"? What part of my response was rude and dismissive? You mentioned that politicians don't do X because of electoral pressure, so I brought up the disastrous 17th Amendment (something that "your" side has high support for hence my huh). You can take it however you want. I don’t pretend you think drivers licenses are a violation of personal freedom just because you’re a libertarian. We can engage with each other and have a conversation without painting each other as parodies of our party affiliation. I don’t think you think I’m saying we should abolish the 17th amendment.
You think our current system is less flawed than the prior regiment without the 17th Amendment? We've certainly drifted from our beginnings as a republican form of Government into a more direct democratic system (one I'd argue has led to what we're witnessing). It isn't like this partisanship we have now is unheard of in our history either. It's not as bad as in the 1850s, 1880s, Burr shooting Hamilton and the feud between the Dem-Repubs and the Federalists, etc.
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The lack of representation of the real left has to do with a lot of factors.
The last time real socialists gained power in the US was in the very early 1900s, with Eugene V Debs. He ran from prison and got a decent number of votes (6% in 1912) and helped organize labor and strikes. Note that this was an exceptionally violent period of US history, with a president being assassinated by leftists, the government firebombing unions and killing them, and brutally breaking any strike with force in general. It also had visionaries like Emma Goldman. 6% is still pretty low.
I'm not sure European nations ever authorized their police to flat out kill union leaders or suspected socialists as happened in the US, but I'm no student of EU history, and that could be part of why they never took off higher than that.
The main issue, though, remains the same now as it was then : geographic concentration. Leftists aren't, to my knowledge, so much less populous in the US than in Europe, but our system wildly encourages power given to geographic areas that vote as a bloc. There's also a sense of deflation - if there is never any leftist representation, why would a leftist bother to vote? AOC+her group may have changed that, but we'll see.
A regional party that represents 3 states with 2% of the population each is infinitely more powerful than 15-20% of the population divided evenly everywhere in the US system. If they aren't concentrated enough to get a house seat, then their vote is completely meaningless, and they may also not be concentrated enough to flip any states.
Leftists never really congregated in clusters the way rich WASPs did in the past, and have always been reluctant to follow the examples laid by the Whigs or GOP as to how to organize effective parties : start with heavy local focuses.
Some business men (billionaire equivalents today, Prescott Bush was one of them) tried to overthrow FDR with a military coup, but some others voluntarily funded the government at the time because they were so afraid of how anti-capitalist the country would become if the US govt stopped functioning in depression era. They viewed FDR as the Warren to the nebulous Sanders alternatives that were out there, basically.
So I'm not sure I'd say FDR backlash is why the conservatism ascended, as they were almost entirely powerless until Nixon became president (Eisenhower ran as a republican specifically BECAUSE he was afraid of the GOP becoming totally meaningless and leaving us as a one party state), and they stayed out of control of Congress as a whole until the 90s.
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On September 22 2020 07:21 Erasme wrote: Another trump paradoxe, he's against the military complex AND hes bragging about being the most military focused president ever. In 20secs. To be fair, being against the military industrial complex is in the best interest of most of those serving in the military. Pursuing conflict abroad would be good for the business, not for the people who have to do it. That being said, he's still keeping a lot of money running through it, he just hasn't been deploying personnel.
Didn't mean to break the flow of conversation, but I felt that was worth being pointed out.
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I think some posters need some reminding about what happened in 2013 and why democrats changed, i think they are under the impression that obama and reid wanted to just stick it to the nasty conservatives.
There were multiple vacancies at the time on the D.C. Circuit Court of Appeals, one of the nation’s most important benches, and President Obama nominated three qualified jurists, each of whom enjoyed majority support in the Senate. Republicans in the chamber, however, blocked the trio, filibustering each of the nominations.
GOP senators didn’t raise any specific objections to the nominees, but rather, said they didn’t want President Obama to appoint anyone to the appellate court, ever. Republicans presented a demand never before heard in American history: the Senate must ignore the vacancies on one of the nation’s most important courts, indefinitely, because a minority of the chamber says so.
So please dont play the victim, at least own up to your party if you are going to be supporting them.
Also here is Graham statement from garland, how you can defend this hypocrisy is shameful.How he can even say he will vote for trumps nominee with a straight face is astounding. I burst out laughing when i heard it from all the crap he was spewing
When Senate Republicans refused to even hold a hearing on Obama-nominee Judge Merrick Garland, Graham said it was too close to the election even though at the time of late Justice Antonin Scalia’s death in February it was roughly nine months away. “I want you to use my words against me,” Graham said at the time. “If there’s a Republican president in 2016 and a vacancy occurs in the last year of the first term, you can say Lindsey Graham said let’s let the next president, whoever it might be, make that nomination.” He has since reissued that promise several times over. In 2018, he said that following a potential seat vacancy in the final year of Trump’s term the Senate would “wait to the next election.”
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On September 22 2020 08:27 Wegandi wrote:Show nested quote +On September 22 2020 08:18 pmh wrote: The filibuster was rediculous as it could in theory halt all legislation. The argument that it was good to make the minority voice heard i can understand somewhat though. In the usa 1 party has the majority,per definition because its a 2 party system. It sort of is a democratic dictatorship where the people can vote once every 4 years which party holds all the power. Somewhat balanced by the house and the senate but in the end it is what it comes down to. The way out of this would be a system with a minimum of 3 credible and electable parties,this would force compromise and make sure the minority voice is beeing heard.
The winner takes it all,its embedded in every aspect of america and also in politics. I guess it fits the culture and the people seem to be happy with it so maybe there isnt much reason to change it. It is one of the main causes for the polarization in america in general. Its either one side or the other,there is no middle ground and compromise. Its an effective system in some aspects i can see that,its easier to get things done. But it also has its drawbacks,the polarization it does create. Maybe this is what america needs to function and maybe it could not function in a way that europe,which heavily depends on compromises,functions.
Still i wonder,how come after all those years a truly progressive party still hasnt made its way into mainstream american politics. Its not by the lack of potential support because the widespread support for sanders did show that there is potential for such an agenda. Not to be a majority or even close to that,but to get at least 10% of the support. And 10% support is all it takes,it would prevent a 50% majority for either the democrats and the republicans and force compromises. Though i guess this alone would not be enough,the president holds a lot of power himself. Again,easier to get things done so i can see the argument in favor. But as said,it does have considerable drawbacks. You're wondering why socialists haven't made its way into the mainstream in a country founded on liberal ideas where those ideas are still quite strong among a large part of the electorate? I'm honestly, shocked. Really shocked. Granted, the Government education centers have created a lot more of those progressive folks in the last 20 years. We also had a Progressive Era in the early 20th Century that gave us a shit ton of awful laws and Constitutional amendments. Stuff like the income tax, the 17th Amendment, Wilsonian Foreign Policy, Anti-Trust poo (Read Gabriel Kolko's work on the matter, competition plummeted during the Progressive Era giving rise to the Corporate monoliths of today), prohibition which segued into Drug War, Federal Reserve system, etc. There was a big backlash to the Progressive Era and FDR which is why Republicans have had the power they've had in the post-war period (45-Present). Show nested quote +Kolko, in particular, broke new ground with his critical history of the Progressive Era. He suggested that free enterprise and competition were vibrant and expanding during the first two decades of the 20th century; thereafter, however, "the corporate elite—the House of Morgan, for example—turned to government intervention when it realized in the waning 19th century that competition was too unruly to guarantee market share."[19] This behavior is known as corporatism, but Kolko dubbed it political capitalism, "the merger of the economic and political structures on behalf of the greater interests of capitalism".[20] Kolko's thesis "that businessmen favored government regulation because they feared competition and desired to forge a government–business coalition" is one that is echoed by many observers today.[18] Former Harvard professor Paul H. Weaver uncovered the same inefficient and bureaucratic behavior from corporations during his stint at Ford Motor Corporation.[21] Free market economist Murray Rothbard thought highly of Kolko's work on the history of relations between big business and government.[22] As one profile, published in The American Conservative, put it:
For Gabriel Kolko, the enemy has always been what sociologist Max Weber called "political capitalism"—that is, "the accumulation of private capital and fortunes via booty connected with politics." In Kolko's eyes, "America's capacity and readiness to intervene virtually anywhere" pose a grave danger both to the U.S. and the world. Kolko has made it his mission to study the historical roots of how this propensity for intervention came to be. He was also one of the first historians to take on the regulatory state in a serious way. Kolko's landmark work, The Triumph of Conservatism, is an attempt to link the Progressive Era policies of Theodore Roosevelt to the national-security state left behind in the wake of his cousin Franklin's presidency. Kolko's indictment of what he calls "conservatism" is not aimed at the Southern Agrarianism of Richard Weaver or the Old Right individualism of Albert Jay Nock. In fact, Kolko's thesis—that big government and big business consistently colluded to regulate small American artisans and farmers out of existence—has much in common with libertarian and traditionalist critiques of the corporatist state. The "national progressivism" that Kolko attacks was, in his own words, "the defense of business against the democratic ferment that was nascent in the states." Coming of age in the '50s and '60s, Kolko saw firsthand the destruction of the "permanent things" as the result of the merging of Washington, D.C. and Wall Street. A sense of place and rootedness lingers just beneath the surface of his work. Show nested quote +his was a thesis that disputed the "widely held view that government regulates business, arguing that instead, business steers government"[9] and Kolko used it to analyze how America's social, economic, and political life was shaped beginning with the Progressive Era (1900-1920). But for Kolko, a social policy of "corporate liberalism" (or what Kolko preferred to call "political capitalism") shaped the mainstream agenda of all that was to follow afterwards in American society, from The New Deal (1930s) through to the post-World War II era of the Cold War (1947-1962), and onwards. Kolko's argument that public policy was shaped by "corporate control of the liberal agenda" (rather than the liberal control of the corporate agenda), revised the old Progressive Era historiography of the "interests" versus the "people," which was now to be reinterpreted as a collaboration of "interests" and "people." So too, with this revised version of recent American history, came the tacit recognition that this fulfilled the business community's unspoken, but deliberate, aim of stabilizing competition in the "free market."[15]
This was an idea summarized by journalist and internet columnist Charles Burris when he argued that: Rather than "the people" being behind these "progressive reforms," it was the very elite business interests themselves responsible, in an attempt to cartelize, centralize and control what was impossible due to the dynamics of a competitive and decentralized economy. If Progressives ever get a majority of power in the Government again they'll exacerbate the conditions they loathe. Corporate interests want large unwieldly regulatory schemes. They love the CFR. Insurance companies adored the ACA.
I am not arguing for the progressives to get a majority of power. Infact i think it would be bad for the usa as a whole. I am arguing for a system in which the progressives could have 10% of the political influence. Not so much to push the progressive agenda itself but to force more compromises between the 2 mainstream political parties and to make minority points of vieuw heard. I think this would be good for the usa as a whole because it would decrease the polarization and help make it a more coherent and more balanced society,which in the end also has economic benefits. I think there is potential to have 10% support for such a party,based on the support that sanders managed to get. It doesnt have to be a socialist party,you can be progressive in many different aspects like for example climate change,healthcare,inequality. It would be a party that fully supports capitalism but at the same time wants to steer away from the extremes of capitalism,this to ensure the continuity of the whole system by making it more balanced.
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On September 22 2020 15:27 pmh wrote:Show nested quote +On September 22 2020 08:27 Wegandi wrote:On September 22 2020 08:18 pmh wrote: The filibuster was rediculous as it could in theory halt all legislation. The argument that it was good to make the minority voice heard i can understand somewhat though. In the usa 1 party has the majority,per definition because its a 2 party system. It sort of is a democratic dictatorship where the people can vote once every 4 years which party holds all the power. Somewhat balanced by the house and the senate but in the end it is what it comes down to. The way out of this would be a system with a minimum of 3 credible and electable parties,this would force compromise and make sure the minority voice is beeing heard.
The winner takes it all,its embedded in every aspect of america and also in politics. I guess it fits the culture and the people seem to be happy with it so maybe there isnt much reason to change it. It is one of the main causes for the polarization in america in general. Its either one side or the other,there is no middle ground and compromise. Its an effective system in some aspects i can see that,its easier to get things done. But it also has its drawbacks,the polarization it does create. Maybe this is what america needs to function and maybe it could not function in a way that europe,which heavily depends on compromises,functions.
Still i wonder,how come after all those years a truly progressive party still hasnt made its way into mainstream american politics. Its not by the lack of potential support because the widespread support for sanders did show that there is potential for such an agenda. Not to be a majority or even close to that,but to get at least 10% of the support. And 10% support is all it takes,it would prevent a 50% majority for either the democrats and the republicans and force compromises. Though i guess this alone would not be enough,the president holds a lot of power himself. Again,easier to get things done so i can see the argument in favor. But as said,it does have considerable drawbacks. You're wondering why socialists haven't made its way into the mainstream in a country founded on liberal ideas where those ideas are still quite strong among a large part of the electorate? I'm honestly, shocked. Really shocked. Granted, the Government education centers have created a lot more of those progressive folks in the last 20 years. We also had a Progressive Era in the early 20th Century that gave us a shit ton of awful laws and Constitutional amendments. Stuff like the income tax, the 17th Amendment, Wilsonian Foreign Policy, Anti-Trust poo (Read Gabriel Kolko's work on the matter, competition plummeted during the Progressive Era giving rise to the Corporate monoliths of today), prohibition which segued into Drug War, Federal Reserve system, etc. There was a big backlash to the Progressive Era and FDR which is why Republicans have had the power they've had in the post-war period (45-Present). Kolko, in particular, broke new ground with his critical history of the Progressive Era. He suggested that free enterprise and competition were vibrant and expanding during the first two decades of the 20th century; thereafter, however, "the corporate elite—the House of Morgan, for example—turned to government intervention when it realized in the waning 19th century that competition was too unruly to guarantee market share."[19] This behavior is known as corporatism, but Kolko dubbed it political capitalism, "the merger of the economic and political structures on behalf of the greater interests of capitalism".[20] Kolko's thesis "that businessmen favored government regulation because they feared competition and desired to forge a government–business coalition" is one that is echoed by many observers today.[18] Former Harvard professor Paul H. Weaver uncovered the same inefficient and bureaucratic behavior from corporations during his stint at Ford Motor Corporation.[21] Free market economist Murray Rothbard thought highly of Kolko's work on the history of relations between big business and government.[22] As one profile, published in The American Conservative, put it:
For Gabriel Kolko, the enemy has always been what sociologist Max Weber called "political capitalism"—that is, "the accumulation of private capital and fortunes via booty connected with politics." In Kolko's eyes, "America's capacity and readiness to intervene virtually anywhere" pose a grave danger both to the U.S. and the world. Kolko has made it his mission to study the historical roots of how this propensity for intervention came to be. He was also one of the first historians to take on the regulatory state in a serious way. Kolko's landmark work, The Triumph of Conservatism, is an attempt to link the Progressive Era policies of Theodore Roosevelt to the national-security state left behind in the wake of his cousin Franklin's presidency. Kolko's indictment of what he calls "conservatism" is not aimed at the Southern Agrarianism of Richard Weaver or the Old Right individualism of Albert Jay Nock. In fact, Kolko's thesis—that big government and big business consistently colluded to regulate small American artisans and farmers out of existence—has much in common with libertarian and traditionalist critiques of the corporatist state. The "national progressivism" that Kolko attacks was, in his own words, "the defense of business against the democratic ferment that was nascent in the states." Coming of age in the '50s and '60s, Kolko saw firsthand the destruction of the "permanent things" as the result of the merging of Washington, D.C. and Wall Street. A sense of place and rootedness lingers just beneath the surface of his work. his was a thesis that disputed the "widely held view that government regulates business, arguing that instead, business steers government"[9] and Kolko used it to analyze how America's social, economic, and political life was shaped beginning with the Progressive Era (1900-1920). But for Kolko, a social policy of "corporate liberalism" (or what Kolko preferred to call "political capitalism") shaped the mainstream agenda of all that was to follow afterwards in American society, from The New Deal (1930s) through to the post-World War II era of the Cold War (1947-1962), and onwards. Kolko's argument that public policy was shaped by "corporate control of the liberal agenda" (rather than the liberal control of the corporate agenda), revised the old Progressive Era historiography of the "interests" versus the "people," which was now to be reinterpreted as a collaboration of "interests" and "people." So too, with this revised version of recent American history, came the tacit recognition that this fulfilled the business community's unspoken, but deliberate, aim of stabilizing competition in the "free market."[15]
This was an idea summarized by journalist and internet columnist Charles Burris when he argued that: Rather than "the people" being behind these "progressive reforms," it was the very elite business interests themselves responsible, in an attempt to cartelize, centralize and control what was impossible due to the dynamics of a competitive and decentralized economy. If Progressives ever get a majority of power in the Government again they'll exacerbate the conditions they loathe. Corporate interests want large unwieldly regulatory schemes. They love the CFR. Insurance companies adored the ACA. I am not arguing for the progressives to get a majority of power. Infact i think it would be bad for the usa as a whole. I am arguing for a system in which the progressives could have 10% of the political influence. Not so much to push the progressive agenda itself but to force more compromises between the 2 mainstream political parties. I think this would be good for the usa as a whole because it would decrease the polarization and help make it a more coherent society.
Seems like compromise with a 10% Progressive part would only push in one direction. It's better (and obviously I'm more biased) to have a 10% libertarian part which would move the Republicans on civil liberties/war and Democrats on economics/bureaucratic state and centralization/cartelization. Like why would Progressives do anything to have Republicans compromise? At least libertarians can say, hey, Democrats you want more police reform/voting security, well sure, but we're going to ask to slash the Code of Federal Regulations by 15% and abolish some bureaucratic departments/lessen their comprehensive ability to enlarge their powers / laws by fiat. What are progressives offering Republicans?
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There are 3 different coalitions possible in a system with 3 parties devided 45-45-10 45A+10,45b+10 and 45+45. In every coalition the progressive voice would have little influence but it would have some influence. Depending on how things go in society either of those coalitions could be feasonable and desireable for the long term stability and development of the nation. A 45-45 coalition is very likely because those 2 parties are closest to eachoter,but it would force compromise. It would force a compromise which 90% of the people could be more or less satisfied with. In the end it could even satisfy the 10% to some extend by steering away from the extremes. This contrary to the current system where halve of the people are not satisfied which has led to a very polarized society despite the fact that the 2 parties are still very close to eachoter with their socio economic agendas.
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On September 22 2020 15:49 pmh wrote: There are 3 different coalitions possible in a system with 3 parties devided 45-45-10 45A+10,45b+10 and 45+45. In every coalition the progressive voice would have little influence but it would have some influence. Depending on how things go in society either of those coalitions would be possible and desireable for the long term stability of the nation. a 45-45 coalition is very likely because those 2 parties are closest to eachoter,but it would force compromise. It would force a compromise which 90% of the people could be more or less satisfied with. In the end it could even satisfy the 10% to some extend. Contrary to the current system where halve of the people are not satisfied and where there is a very polarized society.
You never answered my question. How on earth are Bernie Bros going to form a coalition with Republicans? They have nearly nothing in common. All a 10% progressive party would do is caucus with the Democrats 100% so in reality it would be Democrats 55% Republicans 45% and Democrats would move more leftward. Your "solution" to lack of compromise or bipartisanship would only make things worse not better.
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On September 22 2020 15:34 Wegandi wrote:Show nested quote +On September 22 2020 15:27 pmh wrote:On September 22 2020 08:27 Wegandi wrote:On September 22 2020 08:18 pmh wrote: The filibuster was rediculous as it could in theory halt all legislation. The argument that it was good to make the minority voice heard i can understand somewhat though. In the usa 1 party has the majority,per definition because its a 2 party system. It sort of is a democratic dictatorship where the people can vote once every 4 years which party holds all the power. Somewhat balanced by the house and the senate but in the end it is what it comes down to. The way out of this would be a system with a minimum of 3 credible and electable parties,this would force compromise and make sure the minority voice is beeing heard.
The winner takes it all,its embedded in every aspect of america and also in politics. I guess it fits the culture and the people seem to be happy with it so maybe there isnt much reason to change it. It is one of the main causes for the polarization in america in general. Its either one side or the other,there is no middle ground and compromise. Its an effective system in some aspects i can see that,its easier to get things done. But it also has its drawbacks,the polarization it does create. Maybe this is what america needs to function and maybe it could not function in a way that europe,which heavily depends on compromises,functions.
Still i wonder,how come after all those years a truly progressive party still hasnt made its way into mainstream american politics. Its not by the lack of potential support because the widespread support for sanders did show that there is potential for such an agenda. Not to be a majority or even close to that,but to get at least 10% of the support. And 10% support is all it takes,it would prevent a 50% majority for either the democrats and the republicans and force compromises. Though i guess this alone would not be enough,the president holds a lot of power himself. Again,easier to get things done so i can see the argument in favor. But as said,it does have considerable drawbacks. You're wondering why socialists haven't made its way into the mainstream in a country founded on liberal ideas where those ideas are still quite strong among a large part of the electorate? I'm honestly, shocked. Really shocked. Granted, the Government education centers have created a lot more of those progressive folks in the last 20 years. We also had a Progressive Era in the early 20th Century that gave us a shit ton of awful laws and Constitutional amendments. Stuff like the income tax, the 17th Amendment, Wilsonian Foreign Policy, Anti-Trust poo (Read Gabriel Kolko's work on the matter, competition plummeted during the Progressive Era giving rise to the Corporate monoliths of today), prohibition which segued into Drug War, Federal Reserve system, etc. There was a big backlash to the Progressive Era and FDR which is why Republicans have had the power they've had in the post-war period (45-Present). Kolko, in particular, broke new ground with his critical history of the Progressive Era. He suggested that free enterprise and competition were vibrant and expanding during the first two decades of the 20th century; thereafter, however, "the corporate elite—the House of Morgan, for example—turned to government intervention when it realized in the waning 19th century that competition was too unruly to guarantee market share."[19] This behavior is known as corporatism, but Kolko dubbed it political capitalism, "the merger of the economic and political structures on behalf of the greater interests of capitalism".[20] Kolko's thesis "that businessmen favored government regulation because they feared competition and desired to forge a government–business coalition" is one that is echoed by many observers today.[18] Former Harvard professor Paul H. Weaver uncovered the same inefficient and bureaucratic behavior from corporations during his stint at Ford Motor Corporation.[21] Free market economist Murray Rothbard thought highly of Kolko's work on the history of relations between big business and government.[22] As one profile, published in The American Conservative, put it:
For Gabriel Kolko, the enemy has always been what sociologist Max Weber called "political capitalism"—that is, "the accumulation of private capital and fortunes via booty connected with politics." In Kolko's eyes, "America's capacity and readiness to intervene virtually anywhere" pose a grave danger both to the U.S. and the world. Kolko has made it his mission to study the historical roots of how this propensity for intervention came to be. He was also one of the first historians to take on the regulatory state in a serious way. Kolko's landmark work, The Triumph of Conservatism, is an attempt to link the Progressive Era policies of Theodore Roosevelt to the national-security state left behind in the wake of his cousin Franklin's presidency. Kolko's indictment of what he calls "conservatism" is not aimed at the Southern Agrarianism of Richard Weaver or the Old Right individualism of Albert Jay Nock. In fact, Kolko's thesis—that big government and big business consistently colluded to regulate small American artisans and farmers out of existence—has much in common with libertarian and traditionalist critiques of the corporatist state. The "national progressivism" that Kolko attacks was, in his own words, "the defense of business against the democratic ferment that was nascent in the states." Coming of age in the '50s and '60s, Kolko saw firsthand the destruction of the "permanent things" as the result of the merging of Washington, D.C. and Wall Street. A sense of place and rootedness lingers just beneath the surface of his work. his was a thesis that disputed the "widely held view that government regulates business, arguing that instead, business steers government"[9] and Kolko used it to analyze how America's social, economic, and political life was shaped beginning with the Progressive Era (1900-1920). But for Kolko, a social policy of "corporate liberalism" (or what Kolko preferred to call "political capitalism") shaped the mainstream agenda of all that was to follow afterwards in American society, from The New Deal (1930s) through to the post-World War II era of the Cold War (1947-1962), and onwards. Kolko's argument that public policy was shaped by "corporate control of the liberal agenda" (rather than the liberal control of the corporate agenda), revised the old Progressive Era historiography of the "interests" versus the "people," which was now to be reinterpreted as a collaboration of "interests" and "people." So too, with this revised version of recent American history, came the tacit recognition that this fulfilled the business community's unspoken, but deliberate, aim of stabilizing competition in the "free market."[15]
This was an idea summarized by journalist and internet columnist Charles Burris when he argued that: Rather than "the people" being behind these "progressive reforms," it was the very elite business interests themselves responsible, in an attempt to cartelize, centralize and control what was impossible due to the dynamics of a competitive and decentralized economy. If Progressives ever get a majority of power in the Government again they'll exacerbate the conditions they loathe. Corporate interests want large unwieldly regulatory schemes. They love the CFR. Insurance companies adored the ACA. I am not arguing for the progressives to get a majority of power. Infact i think it would be bad for the usa as a whole. I am arguing for a system in which the progressives could have 10% of the political influence. Not so much to push the progressive agenda itself but to force more compromises between the 2 mainstream political parties. I think this would be good for the usa as a whole because it would decrease the polarization and help make it a more coherent society. Seems like compromise with a 10% Progressive part would only push in one direction. It's better (and obviously I'm more biased) to have a 10% libertarian part which would move the Republicans on civil liberties/war and Democrats on economics/bureaucratic state and centralization/cartelization. Like why would Progressives do anything to have Republicans compromise? At least libertarians can say, hey, Democrats you want more police reform/voting security, well sure, but we're going to ask to slash the Code of Federal Regulations by 15% and abolish some bureaucratic departments/lessen their comprehensive ability to enlarge their powers / laws by fiat. What are progressives offering Republicans?
The nice thing about proportional systems is that you don't have two parties to coalition with, you have a bunch of them.
For example, in Germany we currently have conservatives (CDU/CSU), libertarians (FDP), greens (Grüne), leftists (LINKE), social democrats (SPD) and nationalist crazypeople (AfD) in the Bundestag. The current ruling federal coalition is between conservatives + social democrats. But a lot of stuff is possible and already happening in some german states. Conservatives + greens, Social democrats + leftists, Conservatives + libertarians, social democrats + greens, conservatives + greens + libertarians, social democrats + conservatives, conservatives + social democrats + greens, leftists + social democrats + greens and a conservative majority are all coalitions in one or more german states. (And a lot of those are also seen as possibilities on a national level or have already happened in the past)
In a proportional system, you wouldn't necessarily end up with two big parties and a few small ones who have to deal with them. So even if progressives wouldn't have a lot in common with republicans, maybe you could have a progressive + green + whatever coalition rule some things.
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