HOW DO WE INTERPRET THE CONCLUSIONS OF THE DECEMBER EUROPEAN SUMMIT?
We have previously stated our belief that an effective strategy that would
buoy confidence and lower the currently elevated borrowing costs for European
sovereigns could include, for example, a greater pooling of fiscal resources
and obligations as well as enhanced mutual budgetary oversight.
We have also
stated that we believe that a reform process based on a pillar of fiscal
austerity alone would risk becoming self-defeating, as domestic demand falls
in line with consumer's rising concerns about job security and disposable
incomes, eroding national tax revenues. The outcomes from the EU summit on Dec. 9, 2011, and subsequent statements
from policymakers, lead us to believe that the agreement reached has not
produced a breakthrough of sufficient size and scope to fully address the
eurozone's financial problems.
In our opinion, the political agreement does
not supply sufficient additional resources or operational flexibility to
bolster European rescue operations, or extend enough support for those
eurozone sovereigns subjected to heightened market pressures. Instead, it
focuses on what we consider to be a one-sided approach by emphasizing fiscal
austerity without a strong and consistent program to raise the growth
potential of the economies in the eurozone. While some member states have
implemented measures on the national level to deregulate internal labor
markets, and improve the flexibility of domestic services sectors, these
reforms do not appear to us to be coordinated at the supra-national level; as
evidence, we would note large and widening discrepancies in activity and
unemployment levels among the 17 eurozone member states.
Regarding additional resources, the main enhancement we see has been to bring
forward to mid-2012 the start date of the European Stability Mechanism (ESM),
the successor vehicle to the European Financial Stability Fund (EFSF). This
will marginally increase these official sources' lending capacity from
currently €440bn to €500bn. As we noted previously, we expect eurozone
policymakers will accord ESM de-facto preferred creditor status in the event
of a eurozone sovereign default. We believe that the prospect of subordination
to a large creditor, which would have a key role in any future debt
rescheduling, would make a lasting contribution to the rise in long-term
government bond yields of lower-rated eurozone sovereigns and may reduce their
future market access.
We also believe that the agreement is predicated on only a partial recognition
of the source of the crisis: that the current financial turmoil stems
primarily from fiscal profligacy at the periphery of the eurozone. In our
view, however, the financial problems facing the eurozone are as much a
consequence of rising external imbalances and divergences in competitiveness
between the EMU's core and the so-called "periphery." In our opinion, the
eurozone periphery has only been able to bear its underperformance on
competitiveness (manifest in sizeable external deficits) because of funding by
the banking systems of the more competitive northern eurozone economies. According to our assessment, the political agreement reached at the summit did
not contain significant new initiatives to address the near-term funding
challenges that have engulfed the eurozone.
The summit focused primarily on a long-term plan to reverse fiscal imbalances.
It proposed to enshrine into national legislation requirements for
structurally balanced budgets. Certain institutional enhancements have been
introduced to strengthen the enforceability of the fiscal rules compared to
the Stability and Growth Pact, such as reverse qualified majority voting
required to overturn sanctions proposed by the European Commission in case of
violations of the broadly balanced budget rules. Notwithstanding this
progress, we believe that the enforcement of these measures is far from
certain, even if all member states eventually passed respective legislation by
parliaments (and by referendum, where this is required). Our assessment is
based on several factors, including:
The difficulty of forecasting reliably and precisely structural deficits, which we expect will likely be at the center of any decision on whether to impose sanctions;
The ability of individual member states' elected governments to extricate themselves from the external control of the European Commission by withdrawing from the intergovernmental agreement, which will not be part of an EU-wide Treaty; and
The possibility that the appropriateness of these fiscal rules may come under scrutiny when a recession may, in the eyes of policymakers, call for fiscal stimulus in order to stabilize demand, which could be precluded by the need to adhere to the requirement to balance budgets.
Details on the exact content and operational procedures of the rules are still
to emerge and -- depending on the stringency of the rules -- the process of
passing national legislation may run into opposition in some signatory states,
which in turn could lower the confidence of investors and the credibility of
the agreed policies.
More fundamentally, we believe that the proposed measures do not directly
address the core underlying factors that have contributed to the market
stress. It is our view that the currently experienced financial stress does
not in the first instance result from fiscal mismanagement. This to us is
supported by the examples of Spain and Ireland, which ran an average fiscal
deficit of 0.4% of GDP and a surplus of 1.6% of GDP, respectively, during the
period 1999-2007 (versus a deficit of 2.3% of GDP in the case of Germany),
while reducing significantly their public debt ratio during that period. The
policies and rules agreed at the summit would not have indicated that the
boom-time developments in those countries contained the seeds of the current
market turmoil.
While we see a lack of fiscal prudence as having been a major contributing
factor to high public debt levels in some countries, such as Greece, we
believe that the key underlying issue for the eurozone as a whole is one of a
growing divergence in competitiveness between the core and the so-called
"periphery." Exacerbated by the rapid expansion of European banks' balance
sheets, this has led to large and growing external imbalances, evident in the
size of financial sector claims of net capital-exporting banking systems on
net importing countries. When the financial markets deteriorated and risk
aversion increased, the financing needs of both the public and financial
sectors in the "periphery" had to be covered to varying degrees by official
funding, including European Central Bank (ECB) liquidity as well as
intergovernmental, EFSF, and IMF loans.
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