On April 16 2009 06:27 Savio wrote:
It depends on what your modeling. Each model will have different measure. If you are modeling behavior like spousal abuse, you will use different measures than if you are modeling a company's production choice.
Generally speaking, the easy models to make are when you are modeling the decisions of a company in a market because they tend to be driven by simple things that you can measure (namely short term profits). This is why most economic models may use money...because they are modeling a relatively simple thing (a company) and not a very complicated thing (an individual person).
It depends on what your modeling. Each model will have different measure. If you are modeling behavior like spousal abuse, you will use different measures than if you are modeling a company's production choice.
Generally speaking, the easy models to make are when you are modeling the decisions of a company in a market because they tend to be driven by simple things that you can measure (namely short term profits). This is why most economic models may use money...because they are modeling a relatively simple thing (a company) and not a very complicated thing (an individual person).
This is why I'm talking about presidential voting. If you want to use rational choice to prove why people vote in presidential elections, the formula would be something like this:
P(U1 - U2) + C > 0
P is the probability of your vote's importance, which is measured by its ability to break a tie, but with an electoral college there is 0% chance of that happening. For local->Senate (and this is only a modern development, not how the framers intended), yes, but not in a presidential election. So as an individual, if you don't vote, it has no bearing.
U1/U2 are obviously the two sides of the vote (which always comes down to two sides as I briefly mentioned in the other thread), so Republicans and Democrats.
C is the cost of voting. For many people, it's extremely little, but for others there's constraints like time and transportation, and in our system you have the right not to vote (which is not true in a lot of European countries, which is largely why our turnouts seem "bad"; there's no coercion.)
Now, you could add in other variables like Duty or Millsian self-interest (the fear of what would ensue if no citizen voted), but these cannot be quantified.
In: P(U1 - U2) + C + D + SI > 0
D and SI are qualitative variables, So you can SAY that everyone is rational (which I'm alright with), when you factor in things like preferences/culture/etc., and you can still make general inferences off of your findings, but any attempts to quantitatively model it are inherently flawed, which is a huge kick in the nuts to rational choice economists and political scientists everywhere.
In case you're wondering, this is what I'm working off of here. Downs goes with the second version of that model, and I think it's bogus.